And then the plant said…

Do plants deliberately deceive insects?


Keith S. Taber


Do plants deceive insects by deliberately pretending to be rotting meat? (Spoiler alert. No, they do not.)
[Image credits: Rafflesia – Maizal, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0, via Wikimedia Commons; Amorphophallus titanum – ailing moose, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0, via Wikimedia Commons; fly and beetle – by Clker-Free-Vector-Images from Pixabay]

Mysterious plants

Earlier this week I heard an episode of BBC Radio 4's 'Start the Week' programme entitled 'Mysterious Plants' 1 (which can be heard here). It is always good to hear science-related episodes of series such as this. The mysterious plants included Amorphophallus titanum 2 believed to have the largest un-branched inflorescence of any plant in the world; and the parasitic genus Rafflesia, one species of which is thought to have the largest individual flowers in the world. 3

I could not help notice, however, that according to the guests, some plants are sentient beings, able to reflect on their circumstances, and to deliberately act in the world. Botanist Dr Chris Thorogood (of University of Oxford's Oxford Botanic Garden and Arboretum) described the parasitic plant Rafflesia as being 'pretty sneaky'. This is anthropomorphic, because – if taken literally – it implies deliberate behaviour.

No insects were deceived in the making of this programme

He was outdone, in this sense though, by evolutionary chemical ecologist Dr Kelsey Byers (of The John Innes Centre, Norwich) who told listeners,

"So these flies and beetles like to lay their eggs on rotting meat', and the flower goes 'oh, what if I also looked and smelled like rotting meat', or like the Amorphophallus titanum you might see at Kew Gardens for example, 'what if I also emitted heat, just like a pile of rotting meat?' …

So, what it's attracting are flies and beetles that essentially are going 'Ooh, that smells like food, that looks like food, I'm going to lay my eggs here, it's going to be great, my babies will have a great chance to survive'.

But there's, there's no food, it is deceiving them, it's basically saying 'I'm, mimicking the food, come and stay'."

Dr Kelsey Byer speaking on Radio 4

Now, I assume that Dr Byers does not intend this as a literal account of the biology discussed. In strict scientific terms, it is rather misleading

  • "flies and beetles like to lay their eggs on rotting meat"

I get a little uneasy when non human entities are described as liking things, as this does not reflect the subjective human experience of liking, say chocolate or Pink Floyd. But this unease probably links to the common alternative conception that students acquire in chemistry that atoms 'like' or 'want' full shells of electrons. Dr Byers could quite reasonably suggest that "flies and beetles tend to lay their eggs on rotting meat"; that their behaviour reflects a preference; and that is what 'likes' means. Fair enough.

  • "the flower goes 'oh, what if I also looked and smelled like rotting meat' … 'what if I also emitted heat, just like a pile of rotting meat?'…"

Now, flowers do not express themselves in language, and in any case (I'm fairly certain) do not have thoughts to potentially be expressed in language. Plato (2008) has his spokesperson Timaeus suggest that plants were "the kind of living being that…knows nothing of belief, reasoning, and intelligence". 4 So, no, plants do not do this – at least not literally.

  • "flies and beetles essentially are going 'Ooh, that smells like food, that looks like food, I'm going to lay my eggs here, it's going to be great, my babies will have a great chance to survive'…"

So insects are animals, and I can be less sure they do not have any kind of thought processes. (But it seems likely conscious thought requires a much more complex nervous system than that of any insect.) The 'essentially' means that Dr Byers is not suggesting they are directly expressing these ideas, but only indirectly (perhaps, those behavioural preferences again?) But I am pretty sure that even if insects could be said to 'think' at some level, they do not have formal concepts of food. I do not doubt that the fly experiences something when it eats that is different to when it is not eating, but I really doubt it is meaningful to suggest a fly has any concept of eating or can be said to 'know' when it is eating.

Surely, a fly feeding is pure instinct. It responds to cues (smell much more than sight I should think given the fly's compound eye {perhaps excellent for spotting movement, but – identifying potential meals?}, and the likely distance away that food might be found) to approach some material (without thinking, 'oh good, that smells like food!') and then further cues (greater intensity of the smell, perhaps; texture underfoot?) trigger eating, or egg laying. To be honest, I think even as a human I have sometimes behaved this way myself when distracted by a problem occupying all my conscious attention! (To clarify, that's when eating, not laying eggs.)

I do not think flies or beetles have any concept of 'babies'. I am pretty sure they do not know that egg laying is a reproductive function (even if they can be said to have any awareness that they are laying eggs), and will lead to offspring. I'm also pretty sure they are not aware of the issue of infant mortality, and that that they have a greater chance to be a grandparent if they choose the right place to lay their eggs.

  • The plant is deceiving the insects, it's basically saying 'I'm, mimicking the food, come and stay'.

Again, the plant is not saying anything. If does not have a notion of mimicry, and is not aware it is mimic. It does not have any notions. It is not deliberately deceiving the flies or beetles. It does not know there are flies or beetles in the world. It does not do anything deliberately.

I am not even sure it is right to say the plant deceives. You can only deceive an entity capable of being deceived. Insects are not deceived, just following instincts. The plant does not do anything to deliberately attract or entice the insects – their attraction to the plant is just a consequence of a match of the animal's instincts (not under the control of the insect), and the plant's evolved anatomy, physiology and biochemistry.

Now, as I suggested above, I am pretty sure Dr Byers knows all this (much better than me!) Perhaps this is just a habitual way of talking she has adopted to discuss her work, or perhaps she was deliberately using figurative language on this occasion to help communicate the science to a diverse radio audience. To 'make the unfamiliar familiar' the abstract concepts of science need to be related to more familiar everyday experiences. The narrative here helps to humanise science.

Read about 'making the unfamiliar familiar' in teaching

Dr Byers is not alone in this way of presenting science – it is very common when scientists talk to general audiences (e.g., so, no, vegetarians bees did not realise they were missing out on a potential food source and so decide to start eating meat).

Anthropomorphism and teleology

This type of figurative language is anthropomorphic. That is, it treats non-humans (flowers, whole plants, insects, clouds, atoms…) as if they were human – with human cognition (concepts, deliberate conscious thinking) and motivations and emotions. Humans are part of the natural world, and the extent to which anthropomorphism distorts scientific accounts surely varies. An atom cannot be jealous. Nor a bacterium. But I would think a chimp can be.5 What about a fish?

This is a serious issue for science educators because learners often use anthropomorphic language in science lessons, and it is less clear they are doing so figuratively. They may mean this literally – and even if not, may come to habitually use this kind of language and so feel that in doing so they really they can explain phenomena 'scientifically'. But from a technical scientific perspective these are only pseudo-explanations (Taber & Watts, 2000).

Read about the types of pseudo-explanations learners commonly offer

So, sodium reacts with chlorine because the atoms want to fill their shells (Taber & Watts, 1996). So wrong, on so many levels, but so many students think that is the scientific account! Bacteria want to infect us, and seek to become resistant to antibiotics. And so many more examples.

Read about anthropomorphism in students' thinking

Read examples of anthropomorphic explanations in science

The canonical biological explanation is that living things are the way they are because they have evolved to be so, through natural selection. It is natural selection that has led to insects laying eggs in conditions where they are likely to hatch – such as in rotting meat. It is natural selection that has led to some plants attracting insect pollinators by becoming similar to rotting meat – similar, that is, in how those plants are perceived within the insect's unwelt.

But lay people often tend to prefer teleological explanations because they appeal more to our own instincts. It seems that things are the way they are for a purpose: as if a plant was guided towards a new structure because there is an end point, identified from the outset, of becoming attractive to insects that will fertilise the flowers.

As humans behave deliberately and work towards goals, it is easy to transfer this familiar scheme to non-human species. Because human artefacts (the Eiffel Tower, the Pyramids, the iPhone, the international space station) have been designed and built with purposes in mind, it is easy to also see the intricate and effective structures and mechanisms of the living world as also designed with purpose in mind.

Read about teleology

Of course, some of these biological structures can seem so unlikely to have evolved through 'chance' or 'trial and error' that many people find the canonical scientific account non-feasible. (And, it is very hard for people to conceptualise the sheer number of generations over which species have evolved.) Of course, although chance is involved, at each step there is feedback into the system: there is preferential selection of some outcomes. What 'works' is selected not so much because it works, but by virtual of it working.

Evolution is contingent – natural selection can only select the features that are 'in play' at a particular time. But which features remain in play is not just down to chance. 6 So, to adopt an analogy, natural selection is not simply a matter of chance, like a number coming up on a roulette wheel. It is more like a game of poker where the cards dealt may be at random, but one can then select which cards to keep, to build up a winning hand. 7

Darwin's book on 'various contrivances'

Darwin was very aware of this general problem, and the specific example of how it came to be that some plants need to be fertilised in very particular ways, by particular insects – and would seem to have structures so specific and well matched to their pollinators that it seems incredible they could have evolved rather than had been deliberately designed.

Darwin knew that many people found his account of evolution unconvincing in the face of the subtlety and intricacies of natural forms. He chose to study the orchids in some detail because they showed great diversity in flower structures and often seemed especially well 'designed' (with 'various contrivances') for their particular animal fertilisers. Darwin argued that all these odd structures could be understood to have slowly evolved from a common ancestor plant by myriad small modification of ancestral structures that collectively led to the wide diversification of forms (Darwin, 1862)

A difficult balance for science communicators

So, science communicators – whether teachers or journalists or scientists themselves – have a challenge here. The kind of language that is most likely to engage an audience and make science seem accessible can actually come to stand in the way of genuine understanding of the scientific principles.

I do not think that means figurative language should be completely avoided in discussing science, but it is very important to remember that an account which is intended to obviously be metaphorical may be understood literally because anthropomorphism and teleology seem to make perfectly good sense to most people.

These kinds of pseudo-explanations may not score any credit in science exams, but this way of thinking is perhaps as instinctively appealing to many humans as, say, laying eggs in rotting meat is to some insects.


Work cited:
  • Darwin, C. (1862) On the various contrivances by which British and foreign orchids are fertilised by insects, and on the good effects of intercrossing. London: John Murray
  • Plato (2008) Timaeus and Critias (Translator: Robin Waterfield).Oxford University Press, 2008.
  • Taber, K. S. and Watts, M. (1996) The secret life of the chemical bond: students' anthropomorphic and animistic references to bondingInternational Journal of Science Education, 18 (5), pp.557-568. (Download this paper)
  • Taber, K. S., & Watts, M. (2000). Learners' explanations for chemical phenomena. Chemistry Education: Research and Practice in Europe, 1(3), 329-353. (Download this paper)


Notes:

1 The enticing episode description is:

"The plant Rafflesia has the world's largest flowers and gives off one of the worst scents; it's also something of a biological enigma, a leafless parasite that lives off forest vines. For the botanist Chris Thorogood, an expert in parasitic and carnivorous plants at the Oxford Botanic Garden and Arboretum, Rafflesia is also an obsession. In his book, Pathless Forest, he goes in search of this mysterious plant in some of the last wildernesses in South East Asia.

Dr Kelsey Byers is an evolutionary chemical ecologist who specialises in floral scent and its influence on the evolution of flowering plants. In her laboratory at the John Innes Centre in Norwich she studies how flowers use different smells to attract their pollinator of choice. From sweet aromas to the stink of rotting flesh, she explores how plants use con-artistry and sexual deception to thrive.

The ethnobotanist William Milliken from Kew Gardens has spent much of his career working with indigenous people in the Amazon to preserve traditional plant knowledge. Now he's focused on collecting folklore about the use of plants to treat ailments in animals in Britain. From wild garlic treating mastitis in cows, to cabbage for flatulence in dogs, he hopes to uncover a cornucopia of plant-based veterinary medicines."

https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/m001wxkb

2 Dr Thorogood helpfully explained that what Amorphophallus titanum actually means is 'giant distorted penis'.


Does a sunflower have large flowers?

3 Some plants have a great many flowers on the same 'head' or inflorescence. Consider the sunflower. From a distance it seems each of the flowers are large, but, on closer inspection, each inflorescence has a great many tiny individual flowers – each one able to produce pollen and be fertilised.

Photograph of bee on sunflower
A bee on a sunflower collecting nectar and pollen. Each of the tiny structures is an individual flower.

A photo-essay showing sunflowers at different stages of development including close-ups of the structures can be seen here.


4 Although, to be fair, he went on to suggest that a plant "is aware only of the pleasures and pains that accompany its appetites". I would suggest, not.


5 Am I over-cautious? We assume all normal humans beings can potentially feel anger, jealousy, love, fear, etc. But actually no one really knows if anyone else has the same subjective experiences when two people report they are envious, or in love. People could be experiencing something quite different and still using the same label. (This is the qualia issue – e.g., how do I know if the experience I have of red is what you experience? This is something quite different from agreeing on which objects are red.) After all, some people find odours and flavours attractive that others find unpleasant, and the same mode of tickling can lead to quite different responses from different patients.

I think a dog could be sad, and a rabbit can be scared. But I doubt [sic, I mean really doubt] an earthworm could be proud. Unless we can decide where to draw the lines, we really have to wonder if these terms meaningfully transfer across species.


6 At the level of an individual's survival and reproduction, there is a lot of chance involved. Being in the right, or wrong, place when a mate, or a predator, appears; or when a flood, or a forest fire, happens, may have little to do with the variations in features within a population. But a slight advantage in attracting the mate or escaping the peril means that over a large population, across many generations, some features will be preferentially passed on.


7 Strictly these processes are not random, but 'near enough' for human purposes. A roulette ball is large enough to be a classical object (that is we can ignore the indeterminacy that seems to be part of quantum mechanics) so given the spin of the wheel, and the initial trajectory and entry point of the ball (and such factors as the fiction produced due to the materials involved) it is in principle possible to consider this a deterministic process. That is, particular, precise, starting conditions will lead to distinct, in principle predictable, outcomes. In practice though, no human could control the wheel and ball precisely enough to manufacture a specific outcome. It may as well not be deterministic.

Much the same is true of a pack of cards. Given the original order of the deck and a finite number of specific moves to shuffle the deck, only one new order is possible. It is however again difficult to deliberately shuffle a deck and control the new order (though perhaps not quite impossible – which is why often the person shuffling the deck invites other players to choose cuts within the process).

Sometimes in research, the methodology adopted requires randomisation (for example of individual participants to different experimental conditions) and usually such process as rolling dice or drawing blind ballots are 'good enough' even if not strictly random, as no person could control the outcomes obtained.

Read about the criterion for randomisation in research


Burning is when you are burning something with fire …

Iconic chemical triangles


Keith S. Taber


Derek was a participant in the Understanding Science Project. When I interviewed Derek soon after the start of his secondary schooling, he told me he liked science, and was currently studying 'burning'.

So, I asked him what that was:

What is burning?

[pause, c.2s]

When [pause, c.2s] a fuel, oxygen and heat gets – in, erm, I'm not quite sure how to explain, but it's like – you get the triangle of fire, and then, burning is just when you've got fire and you're burning something with it.

Okay, so you'd recognise it if you saw it, would you?

Yeah.

Yeah, but maybe it's not that easy to explain?

Yeah.


The notion that 'burning is just when you've got fire and you're burning something with it' – might be considered tautological:

  • burning is when you are burning something

Scientists look to explain natural phenomena with theories, principles, models, and so forth. But for most people, phenomena that they have been familiar with since very young (such as a dropped object falling) do not seem to need explanation – as they are seen as just natural events (Watts & Taber, 1996).

Derek knew about the fire triangle, but his response reminded me of another triangle that is often referred to by science educators.

Johnstone's triangle

For many years Prof. Alex Johnstone (1930-2017) worked at the Centre for Science Education that he founded at the University of Glasgow; where he undertook, supervised, and collaborated on, a good many projects in science education – especially, but not only, relating to the teaching and learning of chemistry and physics in higher education.

However, one of Johnstone's most influential publications must be the short article he published in the School Science Review (Johnstone, 1982) – the secondary science journal of the Association for Science Education. In this short piece he argued that in each of biology, chemistry, and physics, learning difficulties in part derived from how the subject was taught at several 'levels' at once, asking young learners to think simultaneously on different planes as it were. In each of these science subjects, this could be represented by a triangle. In many lessons students would be asked to think about, and inter-relate, considerations from the viewpoints of several vertices.

Johnston's chemistry triangle distinguished between three levels:

  • the macroscopic (the scale at which people observe and handle materials);
  • the submicroscopic (molecular) scale at which many chemical explanations are developed;
  • the symbolic level – where abstract symbols are used to represent the chemistry

"Those of us who are academic chemists can view our subject on at least three levels.

There is the level at which which we can see and handle materials, and describe their properties in terms of density, flammability, colour and so on. We are also interested in the possibility of conversion of one material into another with consequent changes in properties.

A second level is the representational one in which we try to represent chemical substances by formulae and their changes by equations. This is part of the sophisticated language of the subject.

The third level is atomic and molecular, a level at which we attempt to explain why chemical substances behave the way they do. We invoke atoms, molecules, ions, structures, isomers, polymers etc to give us a mental picture by which to direct our thinking and rationalize the descriptive level mentioned above.

These levels could be called (a) descriptive and functional, (b) representational, (c) explanatory. Trained chemists jump freely from level to level in a series of mental gymnastics. It is eventually very hard to separate these levels."

Johnstone, 1982 (added emphasis)

Over the years there have been many attempts to apply, elaborate, and refine Johnston's triangle, and it has been an idea that has proved very productive in thinking about learning difficulties in the subject.


"Chemistry seeks to provide qualitative and quantitative explanations for the observed behaviour of elements and their compounds. Doing so involves making use of three types of representation: the macro (the empirical properties of substances); the sub-micro (the natures of the entities giving rise to those properties); and the symbolic (the number of entities involved in any changes that take place). Although understanding this triplet relationship is a key aspect of chemical education, there is considerable evidence that students find great difficulty in achieving mastery of the ideas involved…" (Publisher's description)


One well-respected, edited, scholarly book ('Multiple Representations in Chemical Education' – Gilbert & Treagust, 2009) consisted of contributions exploring implications of the idea. Indeed, now, there is even a book entitled 'The Johnstone Triangle' (Reid, 2021) with the telling subtitle: 'the key to understanding chemistry'!


Johnstone's triangle is now the subject of a book

Reconceptualisation

Derek was just being introduced to burning as a science topic, and for him it was still just a familiar phenomenon rather than a theoretical construct. We have all seen fires, and can recognise when something is burning – but how many people really know what fire is?1 Burning and fire are everyday concepts – fire is an impressive phenomenon to a young child: one that is salient enough to be noticed. The child's brain then recognises different instances of fire as being similar and it abstracts a spontaneous concept – that there is a category of events in the world that appear like this.

Of course, the brain of the young child does this without using language (it forms a category of events in the sense that it readily recognises new instances – it does not yet have access to have technical notions of 'category', 'concept', 'abstraction' of course.) And the child does not instinctively know this is called 'fire' or 'el incendio' or 'l' incendie' or whatever, until someone who is a more mature member of the child's natural language community shares this label.2

School science will involve learning that there is a formal scientific concept3 called 'combustion' that is basically the chemist's name for burning. However, 'combustion' is a technical term, so combustion will be defined in terms of other concepts. So, whereas in everyday life we recognise what counts as a fire or burning using the brain's inherent pattern-recognition mechanism (a spontaneous conception), in chemistry we have a technical definition (a scientific concept defined in relation to to other scientific concepts, and so 'theoretical').

That is, in everyday life, if you told someone you saw something on fire, it is unlikely anyone (leaving aside science teachers) would ask you which criteria you used to know this: you did not deliberate on the matter, you simply saw, and instantly recognised, a fire. When you refer to a fire, the other person recognises what you mean because they have learnt 'fire' to be the label for their own spontaneously formed conception that allows their perceptual-cognitive system to instantly recognise a fire.

But, for a chemist, combustion is one class of chemical reaction (so the learner can only understand combustion in chemical terms if they have an appreciation of what a chemical reaction is), which only makes sense to someone who has reasonable idea what a scientist means by a substance, as chemical reactions are changes resulting in different substances. Here we have shifted from everyday notions to the theoretical descriptions of science.


In school chemistry, everyday phenomena (e.g., burning) are reconsolidated in terms of technical concepts and language (e.g., combustion). (From Taber, 2013)

The invisible nanoscopic world

But chemists are seldom satisfied with macroscopic accounts – even when posed in technical language. Rather, students will be taught to explain the observable macroscopic phenomena in terms of invisible entities which have unfamiliar properties. Imagined entities such as molecules4, nanoscopic systems which are best understood as fuzzy balls of fields – that have no actual surface, and are mostly tenuous 'clouds' of charge. (Molecules are sometimes modelled as if billiard balls, or sets of balls connected by sticks, but this is just an attempt to represent entities quite unlike the familiar referents available to learners in ways they can make sense of.)

That is, combustion will be explained as a rearrangement of electrons and atomic cores that changes one set of molecules (of the reactants in the reaction) into another (the products). This process will involve energy changes, due to differences in stability of different sets of molecules, and will progress through the breaking and making of chemical bonds.

If the learner is able to form a mental image of (i.e., imagine) chemical reactions at the nanoscopic level, and see how this can be used to explain an actual observable phenomenon (such as a fire), they then also have to learn how chemists often represent these ideas in what is in effect a specialist language – involving chemical formulae, and reaction equations, and the like.

So, when Derek was using a Bunsen burner to set fire to pasta and (not quite set fire to) raisins as he reported to me, he was using a chemical reaction that might be summarised by the chemist or science teacher as:

CH4 + 2O2 ➞ CO2 + 2H2O

Johnstone suggested that the symbolic representation was the third level, alongside the macroscopic and submicroscopic. He was absolutely right that it added to the 'learning demand'. However, there is another complication in that many of these key representations (the formulae and equations) are ambiguous as they can represent either the macroscopic level of substances weighed out in grammes (2O2 would represent 64 g of the substance oxygen, although as it is a gas it would normally be measured by volume) or the individual imagined entities of the molecular world (where 2O2 would mean two molecules of oxygen).

Useful ambiguity

This is useful ambiguity for the chemist – but an added complication for the learner who has to follow the teacher's transitions where one moment a symbol reflects a test tube of stuff, and the next some molecule. Because of its role in bridging between the two very different scales at which we explain chemistry I prefer to see these symbols as being along one side of the triangle (whilst separating out the everyday phenomenological level from the technical, theoretical descriptions used by science). However, whatever version of Johnstone's triangle is applied, it has become something of an iconic image in chemistry education.


The chemist's triplet: a variation on Johnstone's triangle (from Taber, 2013)


Another iconic triangle

Derek had not yet been introduced to all this, and he was still operating with burning as a phenomenon:

And why is this important, do you think? Why do you think we study burning?

[pause, c.2s]

I'm not sure.

No one's told you that?

No.

Is it fun, is it a fun topic?

Yeah.

What Derek did seem to have learned well was the fire triangle.

But you have this 'triangle of fire'. So does that mean that fire is always a triangular shape?

No.

So, what's a triangle of fire?

You need three things to make a fire, which is oxygen, heat and fuel.

Okay, so what if I had erm some fuel and some heat, but I didn't have any oxygen, but maybe I've got lots of fuel?

No – wouldn't have fire.

I can't have extra fuel instead?

No.

No?

You need the three things.

What if I've got lots and lots of fuel, and lots and lots of oxygen, but it's very, very cold?

No.

No, that won't work either. So I always have to have the three things?

Yeah.

Derek stuck to his claim – you always needed all three. This is a useful heuristic (useful if ever one is faced with a fire as it tells you can act by just removing one of the three essentials) even if (like most heuristics) it will sometimes fail, e.g.

  • some materials will continue burning in the absence of an external supply of oxygen as they have an internal source;
  • chlorine will support combustion in place of oxygen (but that's seldom a practical issue in everyday situations) ;
  • substances have an auto-ignition temperature (where they can spontaneously ignite), and for a few substances this is around or below room temperature;

These exceptions do not undermine the general utility of the' 'triangle'.

Some useful learning had gone on here – and potentially not just about fire, because the idea that one factor may be limiting on a process is a generally useful principle (e.g., plants grown in a soil depleted in potassium will not thrive, no matter how much sunlight, water, nitrate and phosphate is present).

But the fire triangle, even if it is not supported by a deep understanding of chemical principles, is worth teaching because of its practical value. It seems to offer a heuristic that people accept and recall. And rather like Johnston's triangle, it seems to have become rather iconic. At least, I assume that is why when COVID-19 infection rates were high, the fire triangle was used as a familiar analogy to persuade people to avoid the 'oxygen' of social mixing…


"I like to think of COVID as a fire, if we are the fuel, social mixing is the oxygen that allows the fuel to burn…'"

Read 'COVID is like a fire because…'


Work cited

Notes

1 It has been mooted that fire should be understood as an example the 'fourth' phase of matter, plasma – that is an ionised gas.5 But actually fire is more complicated than this as it contains a mixture of reactant and product molecules and the molecular fragments that form intermediate and/or transition states. Some chemical reactions, when studied at the molecular level, largely follow a single reaction path. But combustion tends to be much more complex with multiple pathways involving many different ions and molecular fragments.

Read: The states of (don't) matter? Which state of matter is fire?

So, fire is a multiphase mixture, more akin to a solution, aerosol, or suspension, than to a gas or plasma.


2 The child does not know this is called fire, and when she is told this she may not realise that such names are social conventions – according to Jean Piaget's research young children may assume that things in the world have (that is, have always had) a name that people have had to learn.

This childish idea reflects superstitious notions about names that are part of some magical systems of knowledge – 'the law of names': the idea that if you know a person or thing's real name this gives you over over them/it.


3 A very influential theory due to Lev Vygotsky takes the distinction between spontaneous concepts formed automatically, and formal taught concepts that are shared through social interaction (such as teaching). These latter kinds of concepts are usually translated from Vygotsky's Russian as 'scientific' though this is meant in the broad sense of any formal field of study. A key point emphasised by Vygotsky was that, assuming the learners could relate a taught concept to existing spontaneous concepts (that is, 'meaningful learning' occurred), they would actually come to operate with a concept which was a hybrid developed from the interaction of the intuitive understanding and the learned technically defined notion – a melded conception.


4 By referring to molecules and ions and electrons as imagined entities, I am not suggesting they are only imaginary. Most (if not all) scientists today see them as real things (even if strictly our evidence is indirect, and they arguably remain theoretical constructs). But a teacher cannot directly show the class a molecule or an electron, even if some types of imaging equipment do now produce representations of individual atoms. For the learners (and I would suggest even the teacher) these are only ever imagined entities. Yet, we expect students to do a good deal of thinking about, and with, these imagined entities.


5 If we are expanding the three states of matter, then there is an argument for making plasma the 5th phase:

  • Bose-Einstein condensates
  • solids
  • liquids
  • gases
  • plasma
  • (quark 'soups'?)


How to avoid birds of prey

…by taking refuge in the neutral zone


Keith S. Taber


Fact is said to be stranger than (science) fiction

Regular viewers of Star Trek may be under the impression that it is dangerous to enter the neutral zone between the territories claimed by the United Federation of Planets and that of the Romulan Empire in case any incursion results in an attack by a Romulan Bird of Prey.


A bird of prey (with its prey?)
(Image by Thomas Marrone, used by permission – full-size version at the source site here)


However, back here on earth, it may be that entering the neutral zone is actually a way of avoiding an attack by a bird of prey


A bird of prey (with its prey). Run rabbit, run rabbit…into the neutral zone
(Image by Ralph from Pixabay)

At least, according to the biologist Jakob von Uexküll

"All the more remarkable is the observation that a neutral zone insinuates itself between the nest and the hunting ground of many raptors, a zone in which they seize no prey at all. Ornithologists must be correct in their assumption that this organisation of the environment was made by Nature in order to keep the raptors from seizing their own young. If, as they say, the nestling becomes a branchling and spends its days hopping from branch to branch near the parental nest, it would easily be in danger of being seized by mistake by its own parents. In this way, it can spend its days free of danger in the neutral zone of the protected area. The protected area is sought out by many songbirds as a nesting and incubation site where they can raise their young free of danger under the protection of the big predator."

Uexküll, 1934/2010

This is a very vivid presentation, but is phrased in a manner I thought deserved a little interrogation. It should, however, be pointed out that this extract is from the English edition of a book translated from the original German text (which itself was originally published almost a century ago).

A text with two authors?

Translation is a process of converting a text from one natural language to another, but every language is somewhat unique regarding its range of words and word meanings. That is, words that are often considered equivalent in different language may have somewhat different ranges of application in those languages, and different nuances. Sometimes there is no precise translation for a word, and a single word in one language may have several near-equivalents in another (Taber, 2018). Translation therefore involves interpretation and creative choices.

So, translation is a skilled art form, and not simply something that can be done well by algorithmically applying suggestions in a bilingual dictionary. A good translation of an academic text not only requires someone fluent in both languages, but also someone having a sufficient understanding of the topic to translate in the best way to convey the intended meaning rather than simply using the most directly equivalent words. A sequence of the most equivalent individual words may not give the best translation of a sentence, and indeed when translating idioms may lead to a translation with no obvious meaning in the target language. It is worth bearing in mind that any translated text has (in effect) two authors, and reflects choices made by the translator as well as the original author.

Read about the challenges of translation in research writing

I am certainly not suggesting there is anything wrong with the translation of Uexküll's text, but it should be born in mind I am commenting on the English language version of the text.

A neutral zone insinuates itself

No it does not.

The language here is surely metaphorical, as it implies a deliberate action by the neutral zone. This seems to anthropomorphise the zone as if it is a human-like actor.

Read about anthropomorphism

The zone is a space. Moreover, it is not a space that is in any way discontinuous with the other space surrounding it – it is a human conception of a region of space with imagined boundaries. The zone is not a sentient agent, so it can not insinuate itself.

Ornithologists must be correct

Science develops theoretical knowledge which is tested against empirical evidence, but is always (strictly) provisional in that it should be open to revisiting in the light of further evidence. Claims made in scientific discourse should therefore be suitable tentative. Perhaps

  • ornithologists seem to be correct in suggesting…, or
  • it seems likely that ornithologists were correct when they suggested…or even
  • at present our best understanding reflects the suggestions made by ornithologists that...

Yet a statement that ornithologists must be correct implies a level of certainty and absoluteness that seems inconsistent with a scientific claim.

Read about certainty in accounts of science

The environment was made by Nature in order to…

This phrasing seems to personify Nature as if 'she' is a person. Moreover, this (…in order to…) suggests a purpose in nature. This kind of teleological claim is often considered inappropriate in science as it suggests natural events occur according to some pre-existing plan rather than unfolding according to natural laws. 1 If we consider something happens to achieve a purpose we seem to not need to look for a mechanism in terms of (for example) forces (or entropy or natural selection or…).

Read about personification of nature

Read about teleology in science

Being seized by mistake

We can understand that it would decrease the biological fitness of a raptor to indiscriminately treat its own offspring as potential food. There are situations when animals do eat their young, but clearly any species that's members committed considerable resources to raising a small number of young (e.g., nest building, egg incubation) but were also regular consumers of those young would be at a disadvantage when it came to its long-term survival.

So, in terms of what increases a species' fitness, avoiding eating your own children would help. If seeking a good 'strategy' to have descendants, then, eating offspring would be a 'mistake'. But the scientific account is not that species, or individual members of a species, seek to deliberately adopt a strategy to have generations of descendants: rather behaviour that tends to lead to descendants is self-selecting.

Just because humans can reflect upon 'our children's children's, children', we cannot assume that other species even have the vaguest notions of descendants. (And the state of the world – pollution, deforestation, habitat destruction, nuclear arsenals, soil degradation, unsustainable use of resources, etceterastrongly suggests that even humans who can conceptualise and potentially care about their descendants have real trouble making that the basis for rational action.)


Even members of the very rare species capable of conceptualising a future for their offspring struggle to develop strategies taking the well-being of future generations into account.
(Image: cover art for 'To our children's children's children' {The Moody Blues}).


Natural selection is sometimes seen as merely a tautology as it seems to be a theory that explains the flourishing of some species (and not others) in terms that they have the qualities to flourish! But this is to examine the wrong level of explanation. Natural selection explains in general terms why it is that in a particular environment competing species will tend to survive and leave offspring to different extents. (Then within that general framework, specific arguments have to be made about why particular features or behaviours contribute to differential fitness in that ecological context.)

Particular evolved behaviours may be labelled as 'strategies' by analogy with human strategies, but this is purely a metaphor: the animal is following instincts, or sometimes learned behaviours, but is not generally following a consciously considered plan intended to lead to some desired outcome in the longer term.

But a reader is likely to read about a nestling being "in danger of being seized by mistake by its own parents" as the birds themselves making a mistake – which implies they have a deliberate plan to catch food, while excluding their own offspring from the food category, and so intended to avoid treating their offspring as prey. That is, it is implied that birds of prey are looking to avoid eating their own, but get it wrong.

Yet, surely, birds are behaving instinctively, and not conceptualising their hunting as a means of acquiring nutrition, where they should discriminate between admissible prey and young relatives. Again this seems to be anthropomorphism as it treats non-human animals as if their have mental experiences and thought processes akin to humans: "I did not mean to eat my child, I just failed to recognise her, and so made a mistake".

The protected area is sought out

Similarly, the songbirds also behave instinctively. They surely do not 'seek out' the 'protected' area around the nest of a bird of prey. There must be a sense in which they 'learn' (over many generations, perhaps) that they need not fear the raptors when they are near their own nests but it seems unlikely a songbird conceptualises any of this in a way that allows them to deliberately (that is, with deliberation) seek out the neutral zone.

In terms of natural selection, a songbird that has no fear of raptors and so does not seek to avoid or hide or flee from them would likely be at a disadvantage, and so tend to leave less offspring. Similarly, a songbird that usually avoided birds of prey, but nested in the neutral zone, would have a fitness advantage if other predators (small cats say) kept clear of the area. The bird would not have to think "hey, I know raptors are generally a hazard, but I'll be okay here as I'm close enough to be in the zone where they do not hunt", as long as the behaviour was heritable (and there was initially variation in the extent to which individuals behaved that way) – as natural selection would automatically lead to it becoming common behaviour.

(In principle, the bird could be responding to some cue in the environment that was a reliable but indirect indicator they were near a raptor nesting site. For example, perhaps building a nest very close to a location where there is a regular depositing of small bones on the ground gives an advantage, so this behaviour increases fitness and so is 'selected'.)

Under the protection of the big predator

Why are the songbirds under the protection of the raptors? Perhaps because other potential predators do not come into the neutral zone as they are vulnerable when approaching this area, even if they would be safe once inside. Again, if this is so, it surely does not reflect a conscious conceptualisation of the neutral zone.

For example, a cat that preys on small birds would experience a different 'unwelt' from the bird. A small songbird with a nest where it has young experiences the surrounding space differently to a cat (already a larger animal so experiencing the world at a different scale) that ranges over a substantial territory. Perhaps the songbird perceives the neutral zone as a distinct space, whereas to the cat it is simply an undistinguished part of a wider area where the raptors are regularly seen.

Or, perhaps, for the smaller predator, the area around the neutral zone offers too little cover to risk venturing into the zone. (Again, this does not mean a conscious thinking process along the lines "I'd be safe once I was over there, but I'm not sure I'd make it there as I could easily be seen moving between here and there", but could just be an inherited tendency to keep under cover.)

The birds of prey themselves will not take the songbirds, so the smaller birds are protected from them in the zone, but if this is simply an evolved mechanism that prevents accidental 'infanticide' this can hardly be considered as other birds being under the protection of the birds of prey. Perhaps the birds of prey do scare away other predators – but, if so, this is in no sense a desired outcome of a deliberate policy adopted by the birds of prey because they want to protect their more vulnerable neighbours.

One could understand how the birds of prey might hypothetically have evolved behaviour of not preying on smaller birds (which might include their own offspring) near their nest, but would still attack smaller predators that might threaten their own chicks. In that scenario 2, the birds of prey might have indeed protected nearby songbirds from potential predators (even if only incidentally), but this does not apply if, as Uexküll suggests, "they seize no prey at all" in the neutral zone.

Again the, 'under the protection of the big predator' seems to anthropomorphise the situation and treat the birds of prey as if they are acting deliberately to protect songbirds, and so this phrasing needs to be understood metaphorically.

Does language matter?

Uexküll's phrasing offers an engaging narrative which aids in the communication of the idea of the neutral zone to his readers. (He is skilled in making the unfamiliar familiar.) It is easier to understand an abstract idea if it seems to reflect a clear purpose or it can be understood in terms of human ways of thinking and acting, for example:

  • it is important to keep your children safe
  • it is good to look out for your neighbours

But we know that science learners readily tend to accept explanations that are teleological and/or anthropomorphic, and that sometimes (at least) this acts as an impediment to learning the scientific accounts based on natural principles and mechanisms.

Therefore it is useful for science teachers in particular to be alert to such language so they can at least check that learners are seeing beyond the metaphor and not mistaking a good story for a scientific account.


Work cited:

Notes:

1 Many people, including some scientists, do believe the world is unfolding according to a pre-ordained plan or scheme. This would normally be considered a matter of religious faith or at least a metaphysical commitment.

The usual stance taken in science ('methodological naturalism'), however, is that scientific explanations must be based on scientific principles, concepts, laws, theories, etcetera, and must not call upon any supernatural causes or explanations. This need not exclude a religious faith in some creator with a plan for the world, as long as the creator is seen to have set up the world to unfold through natural laws and mechanisms. That is, faith-based and scientific accounts and explanations may be considered to work at different levels and to be complementary.

Read more about the relationship between science and religion


2 That this does not seem to be the case might reflect how a flying bird perceives prey – if it has simply evolved to swoop upon and take any object in a certain size range {that we might explain as small enough to be taken, but not so small as not to repay the effort} that matches a certain class of movement pattern {that we might interpret as moving under its own direction and so being animate} then the option of avoiding smaller birds but taking other prey would not be available.

After all, studies show parent birds will try and feed the most simple representations of a hatchling's open beak – suggesting they do not perceive the difference between their own children and crude models of an open bird mouth.


The general form of a chick's open mouth (as shown by these hatchlings) is enough to trigger feeding behaviour in adult birds.
(Image by Tania Van den Berghen from Pixabay )

Uexküll himself reported that,

"…a very young wild duck was brought to me; it followed me every step. I had the impression that it was my boots that attracted it so, since it also ran occasionally after a black dachshund. I concluded from this that a black moving object was sufficient to replace the image of its mother…"

Uexküll, 1934/2010

(A year later, Lorentz would publish his classic work on imprinting which reported detailed studies of the same phenomenon.)


What the jet tried to do next…

Anthropomorphising surface tension


Keith S. Taber


it seems good training for a scientist to always read accounts of science with a critical filter primed to notice figurative language and to check that the communication can be understood in a non-metaphorical way

When water is poured from a bottle or other container the stream of liquid can take up complex shapes. In particular, it has long been noted how the stream can appear to have the shape of a chain or string of beads, with the flow seeming to be wider in some places that others.


A stream of poured water does not form a perfect cylinder – something that physics should be able to explain.

(Image by tookapic from Pixabay)


This is just the kind of thing that physicists think they should be able to explain…using physics. An article in Physics World (Jarman, 2022) reports some recent work on just this outstanding problem,

"If you pour water out of a bottle, the liquid stream will often adopt a chain-like structure….At the heart of the effect is the non-cylindrical profile of the jet as it emerges. To minimize surface tension, the jet tries to become a cylinder, but this motion overshoots and results in an oscillation in the profile shape."

Article in Physics World

What intrigued me here was the choice of phrasing: "To minimize surface tension, the jet tries to become a cylinder…". This language could be considered to reflect teleology, and even anthropomorphism.

Teleology?

Teleological explanations are those that explain something in terms of some kind of endpoint. Something happens in order to bring about some specific state of affairs. The sun shines to allow us to find our way. Plants produce oxygen so we can breathe. That is, there is seen to be purpose in nature, something that is characteristic of mythical and supernatural thinking. In science, teleological explanations are strictly considered a kind of pseudo-explanation – something that has the form of an explanation, but does not really explain anything. Sometimes we find apparently teleological explanations in science because they are being used as a kind of shorthand. For example, if we know that science suggests entropy always increases in processes, we might interpret a scientist's comment that something happens 'in order to increase entropy' to be a loose (or lazy) way of saying that some suggested mechanism or action is considered likely because it is consistent with the assumption that entropy will increase.

Read about pseudo-explanations

Read about teleology in science

Here it is suggested that the odd shape is formed in order "to" minimise surface tension. Scientists have observed that many phenomena (such as rain forming roundish drops) can be explained in terms that surface tension tends to be minimised (cf. entropy tends to increase, objects tend to roll down hills, people tend to get older). But the language here might suggest minimising surface tension is an end that nature seeks – that would be a teleological explanation.

Although perhaps this is not simple teleology, as it is not that the water forms into the shape it does to minimise surface tension, but something more nuanced is going on – the jet of water is actively trying, but not quite managing, to minimise surface tension.

anthropo… (to do with humans, as in anthropology)
…morphism (to do with form, as in morphology, amorphous)

…and anthropomorphism?

Anthropomorphic language refers to non-human entities as if they have human experiences, perceptions, and motivations. Both non-living things and non-human organisms may be subjects of anthropomorphism. Anthropomorphism may be used deliberately as a kind of metaphorical language that will help the audience appreciate what is being described because of its similarly to some familiar human experience. In science teaching, and in public communication of science, anthropomorphic language may often be used in this way, giving technical accounts the flavour of a persuasive narrative that people will readily engage with. Anthropomorphism may therefore be useful in 'making the unfamiliar familiar', but sometimes the metaphorical nature of the language may not be recognised, and the listener/reader may think that the anthropomorphic description is meant to be taken at face value. This 'strong anthropomorphism' may be a source of alternative conceptions ('misconceptions') of science.

Read about anthropomorphism

So, in our present case, we are told that "the "the jet tries to become a cylinder". This is anthropomorphic, as to try to do something means having a goal in mind and deliberately behaving in a way that it is believed, expected, or – at least – hoped, will lead to that goal. Human beings can try to achieve things. We can perceive our environment, have goals, conceptualise possibilities and means to reach them, and put in practice an intention.

Whether, and, if so, which, animals can try to do things rather than simply following evolved instincts is a debated issue.

  • Does a dog try to please its human companion by bringing the newspaper?
  • Does the dolphin try to earn a fish by jumping through a hoop? Perhaps.
  • Does the salmon try to get to a suitable spawning site ('ground', sic) by swimming upstream?
  • Does the spider try to make a symmetrical web?
  • Does the bee try to collect nectar by visiting flowers. Probably not.
  • Does she try to fertiliser those flowers with pollen to ensure there will be flowers for her to visit in future seasons? Almost certainly not!
Jets of water?

Do jets of water think that being cylindrical is desirable (perhaps because they recognise minimal surface tension as an inherent good?) , and so make efforts to bring this about? Clearly not. So, they do not try to do this. They do not try to do anything. They are not the kind of entities that can try.

So, this language is metaphorical. The reader is meant to read that "the jet tries to become a cylinder" to mean something other than "the jet tries to become a cylinder". Now, often figures of speech are used in science communication because the ideas being communicated are abstract and complex, and metaphorical language that describes the science in more familiar terms makes the text more accessible and increases engagement by the audience/readership.

A question here then, is what "the jet tries to become a cylinder" communicates that was more likely to be inaccessible to the reader. Physics World is the house magazine of the Institute of Physics, which means it is sent to all it members working across all areas of physics. So a broad readership, though largely a readership of physicists.

Tracing the stream back to the source

Another question that occurred to me was whether the reporter (Jarman) was simply reporting the original researchers' (Jordan, Ribe, Deblais and Bonn) ways of communicating their work. That report was in an academic journal, Physical Review Fluids, where formal, technical language would be expected. So, I looked up the paper, to see how the work was described there.

Under a heading of 'phenomenology', Jordan and colleagues explain

"Chain oscillations are most readily observed when the viscosities of the jet and the ambient fluid are low and the interface has a high surface tension. Water jets in air satisfy these criteria, and so it is no surprise that chain oscillations occur in many everyday situations. Deformation and vibration of a jet are capillary phenomena in which surface tension acts to reduce the jet's surface area. If the cross section is not circular, its highly curved portions are pulled inward and its weakly curved portions pushed outward relative to a circular section with the same area. But due to inertia the movement overshoots, with the result that the long and short axes of the section are interchanged. The shape of the section therefore evolves as it moves along the axis of the jet, producing a steady liquid chain when observed in the laboratory frame…"

Jordan, Ribe, Deblais & Bonn, 2022

"The shape of the section therefore evolves as it moves along the axis of the jet, producing a steady liquid chain when observed"

(Image by Kevin Phillips from Pixabay)


(This seemed to be a somewhat different meaning of 'phenomenology' to that sometimes used in science education or social science more generally. Phenomenology looks to explore how people directly experience and perceive the world. Jordan and colleagues include here a good deal of re-conceptualisation and interpretation of what is directly observed. 1 )

The effect Jordan and colleagues describe seems analogous to how a pendulum bob that is released and so accelerated (by gravity) towards the point directly beneath its support (where gravitational potential is minimised) acquires sufficient momentum to overshoot, and swing upwards, beginning an oscillatory motion. Something similar is seen in an ammeter where the needle often overshoots, and initially oscillates around the value of a steady current reading (unless the spring is 'critically damped'). The effect is also made use on in striking a tuning fork.

No need to try

There is no mention here of 'trying', so no clear anthropomorphism. So, this was a gloss added in the report in Physics World, perhaps because anthropomorphic narratives are especially engaging and readily accepted by audiences; perhaps because the reporter needed to rephrase so as not to borrow too much of the original text, or perhaps as part of preparing brief copy to an editorially assigned word length. Or, perhaps Sam Jarman was not even conscious of the anthropomorphism being used, as this seems such a natural way to communicate. 2

Surface tension acting up

Did the original authors avoid teleology? They do write about how "surface tension acts to reduce the jet's surface area?" This could be read as teleological – as there seems to be a purpose or goal in the 'action', even if it is not here presented as a premeditated action. Could any suggestions of such a purpose be avoided?

One response might be that, yes, a physicist might suggest the 'true' description is a mathematical formula (and there are plenty of formulae in Jordan et al's paper) and that a verbal description is necessarily the translation of an objective description into an inherently figurative medium (natural language).

And, of course, this is not some special case. We might read that gravity acts to pull something to the ground or air resistance acts to slow a projectile down and so forth. 'To' may just imply a cause of an outcome, not a purpose.

I think a rewording along the lines "the action of the surface tension reduces the jet's surface area"conveys the same meaning, but is more of a neutral description of a process, avoiding any suggestion that there is a purpose involved.

Reading and interpreting

But does this matter? In teaching young people such as school children, there is evidence that some figurative language that is anthropomorphic or teleological may be understood in those terms, and student thinking may later reflect this. Part of science education is offering learners an insight into how science does seek to (oh, science personified: sorry, scientists seek to) describe in neutral terms and not to rely on nature having inherent goals, or comprising of the actions of sentient and deliberate agents.

The readership of Physics World is however a professional audience of members of the community of inducted physicists who are well aware that, actually, surface tension does not try to do anything; and that minimising surface tension is a common observed pattern, not something set out as a target for physical systems to aim for. These physicists are unlikely to be led astray by the engaging prose of Sam Jarman and will fully appreciate the intended meaning.

That said, there is an intimate bidirectional relationship between our thinking and our speech – our speech reflects our thought pattens, but our language also channels our thinking. So, it seems good training for a scientist to always read accounts of science with a critical filter primed to notice figurative language and to check that the communication can be understood in a non-metaphorical way. That includes checking that our understanding of what we have read is in keeping with scientific commitments to exclude explanations that are framed in terms of nature's end goals, or the deliberate agency of non-sentient 'actors'.


  • Jarman, S. (2022). Flowing liquid 'chains' are best described by Niels Bohr, not Lord Rayleigh. Physics World, 35(12).
  • Jordan, D. T. A., Ribe, N. M., Deblais, A., & Bonn, D. (2022). Chain oscillations in liquid jets. Physical Review Fluids, 7(10), 104001. doi:10.1103/PhysRevFluids.7.104001

Notes

1 However, none of us are able to be completely naive observers of the world. As William James long ago pointed out, the un-mediated sensory experience of a newborn is a chaos of noise and shapes and colours and so on. Even recognising another person or the presence of a table is an act of interpretation that we learn.

So, experts in a field do see things others do not. A field palaeontologist sees a fossil fragment where the rest of us see undifferentiated dirt and stones. The biochemist sees a steroid structure in a patterns of lines. The football pundit sees a 4-4-2 formation where the occasional viewers just sees people running around. The experienced poker player sees a 'tell' that others would not notice. The professional musician hears a passage in E minor, when most of us just hear a tune.


2 This kind of language reflects a way of thinking and talking often called 'the natural attitude'. Science can be seen in part as a deliberate move to look beyond the common-sense world of the natural attitude to problematise phenomena that might be readily taken as given.

We may get used to, and simply accept, that ice is cold, fire burns, the Lord/King makes decisions and owns the land (and people!), rivers flow, things fall down, the heretic must die, the sun moves across the sky, etc. – and probably most people did for much of human history – where the critical (scientific) attitude is to always ask 'why?'


Cells are buzzing cities that are balloons with harpoons

What can either wander door to door, or rush to respond; and when it arrives might touch, sniff, nip, rear up, stroke, seal, or kill?


Keith S. Taber


a science teacher would need to be more circumspect in throwing some of these metaphors out there, without then doing some work to transition from them to more technical, literal, and canonical accounts


BBC Radio 4's 'Start the week' programme is not a science programme, but tends to invite in guests (often authors of some kind) each week according to some common theme. This week there was a science theme and the episode was titled 'Building the Body, Opening the Heart', and was fascinating. It also offers something of a case study in how science gets communicated in the media.


Building the Body, Opening the Heart

The guests all had life-science backgrounds:

Their host was geneticist and broadcaster Adam Rutherford.

Communicating science through the media

As a science educator I listen to science programmes both to enhance and update my own science knowledge and understanding, but also to hear how experts present scientific ideas when communicating to a general audience. Although neither science popularisation nor the work of scientists in communicating to the public is entirely the same as formal teaching (for example,

  • there is no curriculum with specified target knowledge; and
  • the audiences
    • are not well-defined,
    • are usually much more diverse than found in classrooms, and
    • are free to leave at any point they lose interest or get a better offer),

they are, like teachers, seeking to inform and explain science.

Science communicators, whether professional journalists or scientists popularising their work, face similar challenges to science teachers in getting across often complex and abstract ideas; and, like them, need to make the unfamiliar familiar. Science teachers are taught about how they need to connect new material with the learners' prior knowledge and experiences if it is to make sense to the students. But successful broadcasters and popularisers also know they need to do this, using such tactics as simplification, modelling, metaphor and simile, analogy, teleology, anthropomorphism and narrative.

Perhaps one of the the biggest differences between science teaching and science communication in the media is the ultimate criterion of success. For science teachers this is (sadly) usually, primarily at least, whether students have understood the material, and will later recall it, sufficiently to demonstrate target knowledge in exams. The teacher may prefer to focus on whether students enjoy science, or develop good attitudes to science, or will consider working in science: but, even so, they are usually held to account for students' performance levels in high-stakes tests.

Science journalists and popularisers do not need to worry about that. Rather, they have to be sufficiently engaging for the audience to feel they are learning something of interest and understanding it. Of course, teachers certainly need to be engaging as well, but they cannot compromise what is taught, and how it is understood, in order to entertain.

With that in mind, I was fascinated at the range of ways the panel of guests communicated the science in this radio show. Much of the programme had a focus on cells – and these were described in a variety of ways.

Talking about cells

Dr Rutherford introduced cells as

  • "the basic building blocks of life on earth"; and observed that he had
  • "spent much of my life staring down microscopes at these funny, sort of mundane, unremarkable, gloopy balloons"; before suggesting that cells were
  • "actually really these incredible cities buzzing with activity".

Dr. Mukherjee noted that

"they're fantastical living machines" [where a cell is the] "smallest unit of life…and these units were built, as it were, part upon part like you would build a Lego kit"

Listeners were told how Robert Hooke named 'cells' after observing cork under the microscope because the material looked like a series of small rooms (like the cells where monks slept in monasteries). Hooke (1665) reported,

"I took a good clear piece of Cork, and with a Pen-knife sharpen'd as keen as a Razor, I cut a piece of it off, and…cut off from the former smooth surface an exceeding thin piece of it, and…I could exceeding plainly perceive it to be all perforated and porous, much like a Honey-comb, but that the pores of it were not regular; yet it was not unlike a Honey-comb in these particulars

…these pores, or cells, were not very deep, but consisted of a great many little Boxes, separated out of one continued long pore, by certain Diaphragms, as is visible by the Figure B, which represents a sight of those pores split the long-ways.

Robert Hooke

Hooke's drawing of the 'pores' or 'cells' in cork

Components of cells

Dr. Mukherjee described how

"In my book I sort of board the cell as though it's a spacecraft, you will see that it's in fact organised into rooms and there are byways and channels and of course all of these organelles which allow it to work."

We were told that "the cell has its own skeleton", and that the organelles included the mitochondria and nuclei ,

"[mitochondria] are the energy producing organelles, they make energy in most cells, our cells for instance, in human cells. In human cells there's a nucleus, which stores DNA, which is where all the genetic information is stored."


A cell that secretes antibodies which are like harpoons or missiles that it sends out to kill a pathogen?

(Images by by envandrare and OpenClipart-Vectors from Pixabay)


Immune cells

Rutherford moved the conversation onto the immune system, prompting 'Sid' that "There's a lovely phrase you use to describe T cells, which is door to door wanderers that can detect even the whiff of an invader". Dr. Mukherjee distinguished between the cells of the innate immune system,

"Those are usually the first responder cells. In humans they would be macrophages, and neutrophils and monocytes among them. These cells usually rush to the site of an injury, or an infection, and they try to kill the pathogen, or seal up the pathogen…"

and the cells of the adaptive system, such as B cells and T cells,

"The B cell is a cell that eventually becomes a plasma cell which secretes antibodies. Antibodies, they are like harpoons or missiles which the cell sends out to kill a pathogen…

[A T cell] goes around sniffing other cells, basically touching them and trying to find out whether they have been altered in some way, particularly if they are carrying inside them a virus or any other kind of pathogen, and if it finds this pathogen or a virus in your body, it is going to go and kill that virus or pathogen"


A cell that goes around sniffing other cells, touching them? 1
(Images by allinonemovie and OpenClipart-Vectors from Pixabay)

Cells of the heart

Another topic was the work of Professor Harding on the heart. She informed listeners that heart cells did not get replaced very quickly, so that typically when a person dies half of their heart cells had been there since birth! (That was something I had not realised. It is believed that this is related to how heart cells need to pulse in synchrony so that the whole organ functions as an effective pumping device – making long lasting cells that seldom need replacing more important than in many other tissues.)

At least, this relates to the cardiomyocytes – the cells that pulse when the heart beats (a pulse that can now be observed in single cells in vitro). Professor Harding described how in the heart tissue there are also other 'supporting' cells, such as "resident macrophages" (immune cells) as well as other cells moving around the cardiomyocytes. She describe her observations of the cells in Petri dishes,

"When you look at them in the dish it's incredible to see them interact. I've got a… video [of] cardiomyocytes in a dish. The cardiomyocytes pretty much just stay there and beat and don't do anything very much, and I had this on time lapse, and you could see cells moving around them. And so, in one case, the cell (I think it was a fibroblast, it looked like a fibroblast), it came and it palpated at the cardiomyocyte, and it nipped off bits of it, it sampled bits of the cardiomyocyte, and it just stroked it all the way round, and then it was, it seemed to like it a lot.

[In] another dish I had the same sort of cardiomyocyte, a very similar cell came in, it went up to the cardiomyocyte, it touched it, and as soon as it touched it, I can only describe it as it reared up and it had, little blobs appeared all over its surface, and it rushed off, literally rushed off, although it was time lapse so it was two minutes over 24 hours, so, it literally rushed off, so what had it found, why did one like it and the other one didn't?"

Making the unfamiliar, familiar

The snippets from the broadcast that I have reported above demonstrate a wide range of ways that the unfamiliar is made familiar by describing it in terms that a listener can relate to through their existing prior knowledge and experience. In these various examples the listener is left to carry across from the analogue features of the familiar (the city, the Lego bricks, human interactions, etc.) those that parallel features of the target concept – the cell. So, for example, the listener is assumed to appreciate that cells, unlike Lego bricks, are not built up through rigid, raised lumps that fit precisely in depressions on the next brick/cell. 2

Analogies with the familiar

Hooke's original label of the cell was based on a kind of analogy – an attempt to compare what we has seeing with something familiar: "pores, or cells…a great many little Boxes". He used the familiar simile of the honeycomb (something directly familiar to many more people in the seventeenth century when food was not subject to large-scale industrialised processing and packaging).

Other analogies, metaphors and similes abound. Cells are visually like "gloopy balloons", but functionally are "building blocks" (strictly a metaphor, albeit one that is used so often it has become treated as though a literal description) which can be conceptualised as being put together "like you would build a Lego kit" (a simile) although they are neither fixed, discrete blocks of a single material, nor organised by some external builder. They can be considered conceptually as the"smallest unit of life"(though philosophers argue about such descriptions and what counts as an individual in living systems).

The machine description ("fantastical living machines") reflects one metaphor very common in early modern science and cells as "incredible cities" is also a metaphor. Whether cells are literally machines is a matter of how we extend or limit our definition of machines: cells are certainly not actually cities, however, and calling them such is a way of drawing attention to the level of activity within each (often, apparently from observation, quite static) cell. B cells secrete antibodies, which the listener is old are like (a simile) harpoons or missiles – weapons.

Skeletons of the dead

Whether "the cell has its own skeleton" is a literal or metaphorical statement is arguable. It surely would have originally been a metaphoric description – there are structures in the cell which can be considered analogous to the skeleton of an organism. If such a metaphor is used widely enough, in time the term's scope expands to include its new use – and it becomes (what is called, metaphorically) a 'dead metaphor'.

Telling stories about cells

A narrative is used to help a listener imagine the cell at the scale of "a spacecraft". This is "organised into rooms and there are byways and channels" offering an analogy for the complex internal structure of a cell. Most people have never actually boarded a spacecraft, but they are ubiquitous in television and movie fiction, so a listener can certainly imagine what this might be like.


Endoplastic reticulum? (Still from Star Trek: The Motion Picture, Paramount Pictures, 1979)

Oversimplification?

The discussion of organelles illustrates how simplifications have to be made when introducing complex material. This always brings with it dangers of oversimplification that may impede further learning, or even encourage the development of alternative conceptions. So, the nucleus does not, strictly, 'store' "all the genetic information" in a cell (mitochondria carry their own genes for example).

More seriously, perhaps, mitochondria do not "make energy". 'More seriously' as the principle of conservation of energy is one of the most basic tenets of modern science and is considered a very strong candidate for a universal law. Children are often taught in school that energy cannot be created or destroyed. Science communication which is contrary to this basic curriculum science could confuse learners – or indeed members of the public seeking to understand debates about energy policy and sustainability.

Anthropomorphising cells

Cells are not only compared to inanimate entities like balloons, building bricks, cities and spaceships. They are also described in ways that make them seem like sentient agents – agents that have experiences, and conscious intentions, just as people do. So, some immune cells are metaphorical 'first responders' and just as emergency services workers they "rush to the site" of an incident. To rush is not just to move quickly, buy to deliberately do so. (By contrast, Paul McAuley refers to "innocent" amoeboid cells that collectively form into the plasmodium of a slime mould spending most of their lives"bumbling around by themselves" before they "get together". ) The immune cells act deliberately – they "try" to kill. Other immune cells "send out" metaphorical 'missiles' "to kill a pathogen". Again this language suggests deliberate action (i.e., to send out) and purpose.

That is, what is described is not just some evolved process, but something teleological: there is a purpose to sending out antibodies – it is a deliberate act with an aim in mind. This type of language is very common in biology – even referring to the 'function' of the heart or kidney or a reflex arc could be considered as misinterpreting the outcome of evolutionary developments. (The heart pumps blood through the vascular system, but referring to a function could suggest some sense of deliberate design.)

Not all cells are equal

I wonder how many readers noticed the reference above to 'supporting' cells in the heart. Professor Harding had said

"When you look inside the [heart] tissue there are many other cells [than cardiomyocytes] that are in there, supporting it, there are resident macrophages, I think we still don't know really what they are doing in there"

Why should some heart cells be seen as more important and others less so? Presumably because 'the function' of a heart is to beat, to pump, so clearly the cells that pulse are the stars, and the other cells that may be necessary but are not obviously pulsing just a supporting cast. (So, cardiomyocytes are considered heart cells, but macrophages in the same tissue are only cells that are found in the heart, "residents" – to use an analogy of my own, like migrants that have not been offered citizenship!)3

That is, there is a danger here that this way of thinking could bias research foci leading researchers to ignore something that may ultimately prove important. This is not fanciful, as it has happened before, in the case of the brain:

"Glial cells, consisting of microglia, astrocytes, and oligodendrocyte lineage cells as their major components, constitute a large fraction of the mammalian brain. Originally considered as purely non-functional glue for neurons, decades of research have highlighted the importance as well as further functions of glial cells."

Jäkel and Dimou, 2017
The lives of cells

Narrative is used again in relation to the immune cells: an infection is presented as a kind of emergency event which is addressed by special (human like) workers who protect the body by repelling or neutralising invaders. "Sniffing" is surely an anthropomorphic metaphor, as cells do not actually sniff (they may detect diffusing substances, but do not actively inhale them). Even "touching" is surely an anthropomorphism. When we say two objects are 'touching' we mean they are in contact, as we touch things by contact. But touching is sensing, not simply adjacency.

If that seems to be stretching my argument too far, to refer to immune cells "trying to find out…" is to use language suggesting an epistemic agent that can not only behave deliberately, but which is able to acquire knowledge. A cell can only "find" an infectious agent if it is (i.e., deliberately) looking for something. These metaphors are very effective in building up a narrative for the listener. Such a narrative adopts familiar 'schemata', recognisable patterns – the listener is aware of emergency workers speeding to the scene of an incident and trying to put out a fire or seeking to diagnose a medical issue. By fitting new information into a pattern that is familiar to the audience, technical and abstract ideas are not only made easier to understand, but more likely to be recalled later.

Again, an anthropomorphic narrative is used to describe interactions between heart cells. So, a fibroblast that "palpates at" a cardiomyocyte seems to be displaying deliberate behaviour: if "nipping" might be heard as some kind of automatic action – "sampling" and "stroking" surely seem to be deliberate behaviour. A cell that "came in, it went up [to another]" seems to be acting deliberately. "Rearing up" certainly brings to mind a sentient being, like a dog or a horse. Did the cell actually 'rear up'? It clearly gave that impression to Professor Harding – that was the best way, indeed the "only" way, she had to communicate what she saw.

Again we have cells "rushing" around. Or do we? The cell that had reared up, "rushed off". Actually, it appeared to "rush" when the highly magnified footage was played at 720 times the speed of the actual events. Despite acknowledging this extreme acceleration of the activity, the impression was so strong that Professor Harding felt justified in claiming the cell "literally rushed off, although it was time lapse so it was two minutes over 24 hours, so, it literally rushed off…". Whatever it did, that looked like rushing with the distortion of time-lapse viewing, it certainly did not literally rush anywhere.

But the narrative helps motivate a very interesting question, which is why the two superficially similar cells 'behaved' ('reacted', 'responded' – it is actually difficult to find completely neutral language) so differently when in contact with a cardiomyocyte. In more anthropomorphic terms: what had these cells "found, why did one like it and the other one didn't?"

Literally speaking?

Metaphorical language is ubiquitous as we have to build all our abstract ideas (and science has plenty of those) in terms of what we can experience and make sense of. This is an iterative process. We start with what is immediately available in experience, extend metaphorically to form new concepts, and in time, once those have "settled in" and "taken root" and "firmed up" (so to speak!) they can then be themselves borrowed as the foundation for new concepts. This is true both in how the individual learns (according to constructivism) and how humanity has developed culture and extended language.

So, should science communicators (whether scientists themselves, journalists or teachers) try to limit themselves to literal language?

Even if this were possible, it would put aside some of our strongest tools for 'making the unfamiliar familiar' (to broadcast audiences, to the public, to learners in formal education). However these devices also bring risks that the initial presentations (with their simplifications and metaphors and analogies and anthropomorphic narratives…) not only engage listeners but can also come to be understood as the scientific account. That is is not an imagined risk is shown by the vast numbers of learners who think atoms want to fill their shells with octets of electrons, and so act accordingly – and think this because they believe it is what they have been taught.

Does it matter if listeners think the simplification, the analogy, the metaphor, the humanising story,… is the scientific account? Perhaps usually not in the case of the audience listening to a radio show or watching a documentary out of interest.

In education it does matter, as often learners are often expected to progress beyond these introductory accounts in their thinking, and teachers' models and metaphors and stories are only meant as a starting point in building up a formal understanding. The teacher has to first establish some kind of anchor point in the students' existing understandings and experiences, but then mould this towards the target knowledge set out in the curriculum (which is often a simplified account of canonical knowledge) before the metaphor or image or story becomes firmed-up in the learners' minds as 'the' scientific account.

'Building the Body, Opening the Heart' was a good listen, and a very informative and entertaining episode that covered a lot of ideas. It certainly included some good comparisons that science teachers might borrow. But I think in a formal educational context a science teacher would need to be more circumspect in throwing some of these metaphors out there, without then doing some work to transition from them to more technical, literal, and canonical accounts.


Read about science analogies

Read about science metaphors

Read about science similes

Read about anthropomorphism

Read about teleology


Work cited:


Notes:

1 The right hand image portrays a mine, a weapon that is used at sea to damage and destroy (surface or submarine) boats. The mine is also triggered by contact ('touch').


2 That is, in an analogy there are positive and negative aspects: there are ways in which the analogue IS like the target, and ways in which the analogue is NOT like the target. Using an analogy in communication relies on the right features being mapped from the familiar analogue to the unfamiliar target being introduced. In teaching it is important to be explicit about this, or inappropriate transfers may be made: e.g., the atom is a tiny solar system so it is held together by gravity (Taber, 2013).


3 It may be a pure coincidence in relation to the choice of term 'resident' here, but in medicine 'residents' have not yet fully qualified as specialist physicians or surgeons, and so are on placement and/or under supervision, rather than having permanent status in a hospital faculty.


Counting both the bright and the very dim

What is 1% of a very large, unknown, number?


Keith S. Taber


1, skip 99; 2, skip 99; 3, skip 99; 4,… skip 99, 1 000 000 000!
(Image by FelixMittermeier from Pixabay)

How can we count the number of stars in the galaxy?

On the BBC radio programme 'More or Less' it was mooted that there might be one hundred billion (100 000 000 000) stars in our own Milky Way Galaxy (and that this might be a considerable underestimate).

The estimate was suggested by Prof. Catherine Heymans who is
the Astronomer Royal for Scotland and Professor of Astrophysics at the University of Edinburgh.

Programme presenter Tim Harford was tackling a question sent in by a young listener (who is very almost four years of age) about whether there are more bees in the world than stars in the galaxy? (Spoiler alert: Prof. Catherine Heymans confessed to knowing less about bees than stars.)


An episode of 'More or Less' asks: Are there more bees in the world or stars in the galaxy?

Hatford asked how the 100 billion stars figure was arrived at:

"have we counted them, or got a computer to count them, or is it more a case of, well, you take a photograph of a section of sky and you sort of say well the rest is probably a bit like that?"

The last suggestion here is of course the basis for many surveys. As long as there is good reason to think a sample is representative of the wider population it is drawn from we can collect data from the sample and make inferences about the population at large.

Read about sampling a population

So, if we counted all the detectable stars in a typical 1% of the sky and then multiplied the count by 100 we would get an approximation to the total number of detectable stars in the whole sky. That would be a reasonable method to find approximately how many stars there are in the galaxy, as long as we thought all the detected stars were in our galaxy and that all the stars in our galaxy were detectable.

Prof. Heymans replied

"So, we have the European Space Agency Gaia mission up at the moment, it was launched in 2013, and that's currently mapping out 1% of all the stars in our Milky Way galaxy, creating a three dimensional map. So, that's looking at 1 billion of the stars, and then to get an idea of how many others are there we look at how bright all the stars are, and we use our sort of models of how different types of stars live [sic] in our Milky Way galaxy to give us that estimate of how many stars are there."

Prof. Catherine Heymans interviewed on 'More or Less'

A tautology?

This seemed to beg a question: how can we know we are mapping 1% of stars, before we know how many stars there are?

This has the appearance of a tautology – a circular argument.

Read about tautology

To count the number of stars in the galaxy,
  • (i) count 1% of them, and then
  • (ii) multiply by 100.

So,

  • If we assume there are one hundred billion, then we need to
  • count one billion, and then
  • multiply by 100 to give…
  • one hundred billion.

Clearly that did not seem right. I am fairly sure that was not what Prof. Haymans meant. As this was a radio programme, the interview was presumably edited to fit within the limited time allocated for this item, so a listener can never be sure that a question and (apparently immediately direct) response that makes the edit fully reflects the original conversation.

Counting the bright ones

According to the website of the Gaia mission, "Gaia will achieve its goals by repeatedly measuring the positions of all objects down to magnitude 20 (about 400 000 times fainter than can be seen with the naked eye)." Hartman's suggestion that "you take a photograph of a section of sky and you sort of say well the rest is probably a bit like that?" seems very reasonable, until you realise that even with a powerful telescope sent outside of the earth's atmosphere, many of the stars in the galaxy may simply not be detectable. So, what we see cannot be considered to be fully representative of what is out there.

It is not then that the scientists have deliberately sampled 1%, but rather they are investigating EVERY star with an apparent brightness above a certain critical cut off. Whether a star makes the cut, depends on such factors as how bright it is (in absolute terms – which we might imagine we would measure from a standard distance 1) and how close it is, as well as whether the line of sight involves the starlight passing through interstellar dust that absorbs some (or all) of the radiation.

Of course, these are all strictly, largely, unknowns. Astrophysics relies a good on boot-strapping, where our best, but still developing, understanding of one feature is used to build models of other features. In such circumstances, observational tests of predictions from theory are often as much testing the underlying foundations upon which a model used to generate a prediction is built as that specific focal model itself. Knowledge moves on incrementally as adjustments are made to different aspects of interacting models.

Observations are theory-dependent

So, this is, in a sense, a circular process, but it is a virtuous circle rather than just a tautology as there are opportunities for correcting and improving the theoretical framework.

In a sense, what I have described here is true of science more generally, and so when an experiment fails to produce a result predicted by a new theory, it is generally possible to seek to 'save' the theory by suggesting the problem was (if not a human error) not in the actual theory being tested, but in some other part of the more extended theoretical network – such as the theory underpinning the apparatus used to collect data or the the theory behind the analysis used to treat data.

In most mature fields, however, these more foundational features are generally considered to be sound and unlikely to need modifying – so, a scientist who explains that their experiment did not produce the expected answer because electron microscopes or mass spectrometers or Fourier transform analyses do not work they way everyone has for decades thought they did would need to offer a very persuasive case.

However, compared to many other fields, astrophysics has much less direct access to the phenomena it studies (which are often vast in terms of absolute size, distance and duration), and largely relies on observing without being able to manipulate the phenomena, so understandably faces special challenges.

Why we need a theoretical model to finish the count

Researchers can use our best current theories to build a picture of how what we see relates to what is 'out there' given our best interpretations of existing observations. This is why the modelling that Prof. Heymans refers to is so important. Our current best theories tell us that the absolute brightness of stars (which is a key factor in deciding whether they will be detected in a sky survey) depends on their mass, and the stage of their 'evolution'.2

So, completing the count needs a model which allows data for detectable stars to be extrapolated, bearing in mind our best current understanding about the variations in frequencies of different kinds (age, size) of star, how stellar 'densities' vary in different regions of a spiral galaxy like ours, the distribution of dust clouds, and so forth.


…keep in mind we are off-centre, and then allow for the thinning out near the edges, remember there might be a supermassive black hole blocking our view through the centre, take into account dust, acknowledge dwarf stars tend to be missed, take into account that the most massive stars will have long ceased shining, then take away the number you first thought of, and add a bit for luck… (Image by WikiImages from Pixabay)

I have taken the liberty of offering an edited exchange

Hartford: "have we counted [the hundred billion stars], or got a computer to count them, or is it more a case of, well, you take a photograph of a section of sky and you sort of say well the rest is probably a bit like that?"

Heymans "So, we have the European Space Agency Gaia mission up at the moment, it was launched in 2013, and that's currently mapping out…all the stars in our Milky Way galaxy [that are at least magnitude 20 in brightness], creating a three dimensional map. So, that's looking at 1 billion of the [brightest] stars [as seen from our solar system], and then to get an idea of how many others are there we look at how bright all the stars are, and we use our models of how different types of stars [change over time 2] in our Milky Way galaxy to give us that estimate of how many stars are there."

No more tautology. But some very clever and challenging science.

(And are there more bees in the world or stars in the galaxy? The programme is available at https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/m00187wq.)


Note:

1 This issue of what we mean by the brightness of a star also arose in a recent post: Baking fresh electrons for the science doughnut


2 Stars are not alive, but it is common to talk about their 'life-cycles' and 'births' and 'deaths' as stars can change considerably (in brightness, colour, size) as the nuclear reactions at their core change over time once the hydrogen has all been reacted in fusion reactions.

The baby monitor in your brain

Are our neural systems designed?

Keith S. Taber

Taking advantage of good design? (Image by Ben Kerckx from Pixabay )

"A lot of researchers talk about this [neural system] called the care-giving system which is designed to help us care for our crying babies".

Assoc. Prof. Sara Konrath

The reference to the 'design' of a human neural system caught my attention. The reference was made by Dr Sara Konrath, Associate Professor of Philanthropic Studies at the Lilly Family School of Philanthropy at Indiana University, who was interviewed for the BBC radio programme 'The Anatomy of Kindness'.

As a scientist, I found the reference to 'design' out of place, as it is a term that would often be avoided in a scientific account.

A BBC radio programme and podcast

Design in nature

Mention of 'design' in the context of natural phenomena is of note because of the history of the idea, and its role in key philosophical questions (such as the nature of the world, the purpose of our lives, the origins of good and evil, and other such trifling matters).

The notion of design was very important in natural theology, which looked at 'the book of nature' as God's works, and as offering insight into God as creator. A key argument was that the intricacy of nature, and the way life seemed to encompass such complex interlinked systems that perfectly fitted together into an overarching ecology, could only be explained in terms of a designer who was the careful architect of the whole creation.

Perhaps the most famous example of this argument was that of William Paley who wrote an entire book (1802) making the case with a vast range of examples. He started with the now famous analogy of someone who found a pocket watch on crossing a heath. Had he kicked a stone on his trip, he would have thought little of how the stone came to be there – but a watch was a complex mechanism requiring a large number of intricate parts that had to be just the right size, made of the right kind of materials, and put together in just the right way to function. No reasonable person could imagine the watch had just happened to come about by chance events, and so, by a similar argument, how could anything as subtle and complex as a human body have just emerged by accident and not have been designed by some great intelligence?

If you came across this object lying on the ground, what might you infer? (Image by anncapictures from Pixabay)

Paley's book does a wonderful job of arguing the case, and, even if some of the examples look naive from two centuries on, it was the work of someone who knew a great deal about anatomy, and the natural history of his time, and knew how to build up 'one long argument'. 1 It must have seemed very convincing to many readers at the time (especially as most would have read it from a position of already assuming there was an omniscient and all-powerful creator, and that the types of animals and plants on earth had not substantially changed their forms since their creation).

Indeed, a fair proportion of the world's population would still consider the argument sound and convincing today. That is despite Charles Darwin having suggested, about half a century later, in his own long argument 1 that there was another alternative (than an intelligent designer or simply chance formation of complex organisms and ecosystems). The title of one of Richard Dawkin's most famous books, The Blind Watchmaker (1988), championing the scientific position first developed by Darwin (and Alfred Russel Wallace) is a direct reference to Paley's watch on the heath.

The modern scientific view, supported by a vast amount of evidence from anatomy, genetics, paleontology, geology and other areas is that life evolved on earth over a vast amount of time from common ancestral unicellular organisms (which it is thought themselves evolved from less complex systems over a very long period).

Has science ruled out design?

This does not mean that science has completely ruled out the possibility that modern life-forms could have been designed. Science does rule out the possibility that modern organisms were created 'as is' (i.e., 'as are'), so if they were designed then the designer not only designed their forms, but also the highly complex processes by which they might evolve and the contingencies which made this possible. (That can be seen as an even greater miracle, and even stronger evidence of God's capabilities, of course.) What science does not do is to speculate on first causes which are not open to scientific investigation. 2

Many of the early modern scientists had strong religious convictions – including faith in an intelligent creator – and saw science as work that was totally in keeping with their faith, indeed often as a form of observance: a way of exploring and wondering at God's work. Science, philosophy and theology were often seen as strongly interlinked.

However, the usual expectation today is that science, being the study of nature, has no place for supernatural explanations. Scientists are expected to adopt 'methodological naturalism', which means looking for purely natural mechanisms and causes. 3

Read about science and religion

Arguments from design invoke teleology, the idea that nature has purpose. This makes for lazy science – as we do not need to seek natural mechanisms and explanations if we simply argue that

  • the water molecule was designed to be a shape to form hydrogen bonds, or that
  • copper is a good conductor because its molecular structure was designed for that purpose, or that
  • uranium is subject to radioactive decay because the nucleus of a uranium atom was designed to be unstable

Science has (and so a scientist, when doing her science, should have) nothing to say about the existence of a creator God, and has no view on whether aspects of the natural world might reflect such a creator's design; so arguments from design have no place in scientific accounts and explanations. This is why I honed in on the reference to design.

The evolution of empathy?

The reference was in relation to empathy. The presenter, Dr Claudia Hammond, asked rhetorically "empathy … how did it evolve?", and then introduced an interview clip: "Here's Sara Konrath, Associate Professor at the Lilly Family School of Philanthropy at Indiana University in the U.S." This was followed by Dr Konrath stating:

"A lot of researchers talk about this thing called the care-giving system which is designed to help us care for our crying babies. So, think about a crying baby for a minute that is not your own. You are on an airplane, think about that. [She laughs] And probably what you are hoping for is that baby will stop crying, [Hammond: 'absolutely'], I guess.

We need to have a biological system that will make us feel compassion for that little crying baby and figure out what's wrong so we can make the baby feel better. So, there's a whole neural system that's called the care-giving system, that activates oxytocin which is a hormone that helps us to basically reduce stress and feel close and connected, and as you can imagine that would help us want to change that little nappy or whatever the baby needs. * And that same brain system doesn't seem to distinguish too much, well, you know, we can use that, that same system to care for other people in our lives that we know or even strangers, and even people who are different than us."

Assoc. Prof. Sara Konrath

Now, as pointed out above, accepting evolution (as the vast majority of natural scientists do) does not logically exclude design – but to be consistent it requires the design not only of the intended structure, but also of the entire natural system which will give rise to it. And evolution, a natural process, is open to scientific investigation, whereas claims of design rely on extra-scientific considerations. Moreover, as evolution is an ongoing process, one might suggest that references to 'this stage in the design-realisation process' might be more appropriate.

One way of explaining the apparent inconsistency here ("how did it evolve?"…"designed to help us") is to simply assume that I am being much too literal, as surely Dr Konrath was speaking metaphorically. We can talk about 'the design' of the kidney, or a flower, or of a cow's digestive system, meaning the structure, the layout, the assemblage – without meaning to suggest 'the design' had been designed. Although Dr Konrath referred to the neural system being designed, it is quite possible she was speaking metaphorically.

But can we beleive what we (think we) hear?

A listener can reasonably assume, from the editing of the programme, that Dr Konrath was asked, and was answering, the question 'how did empathy evolve?' Yet this is only implied ("…how did it evolve? Here's Sara Konrath…") – the clip of Dr Konrath does not include any interview questions.

A journalist has to edit a programme together, to offer a narrative a listener can easily follow, so it is likely an interview would be edited down to select the most useful material. Indeed, when transcribing, I suspected that there was an edit at the point I have marked * above. I could not hear any evidence of an edit, BUT to my ears the speech was not natural in moving between "…whatever the baby needs" and "And that same brain system…". Perhaps I am wrong. But, perhaps there was a pause, or a 'false start', edited out to tidy the clip; or perhaps some material deemed less pertinent or too technical for present purposes was removed. Or, possibly, the order of the material has been changed if the speaker had responded to a number of questions, and it was felt a re-ordering of segments of different responses offered a better narrative.

All of that would be totally acceptable, as long as it was done without any intention to distort what the speaker had said. Indeed, in analysing and presenting research material from interviews or written texts, one approach is known as editing. 4 I have used this myself, to select text from different points in an interview to build up a narrative that can summarise an informant's ideas succinctly (e.g., Taber, 2008 5). This needs to be done carefully, but as long as an effort is made to be true to the person's own ideas (as the researcher understands them from the data) and this methodological technique is explicitly reported to readers, it is a valid approach and can be very effective.

Read about approaches to qualitative data analysis

A convincing argument?

Perhaps, if Dr Konrath was indeed asked 'how did empathy evolve?' this was a rather unfair question. Unlike some anatomical structures, empathy does not leave direct evidence in the fossil record. This might explain a not entirely convincing response.

The gist of the clip, as I assume a listener was meant to understand it, was along the lines.

How did empathy evolve?

  • babies cannot look after themselves and need support
  • they cry to get attention when they need help
  • a system evolved to ensure that others around the baby would pay attention to its cries, and feel compassionate, and so help it
  • the system either has the side effect of, or has evolved over time, allowing us to be empathetic more generally so we support people who need help

Perhaps that narrative is correct, and perhaps there is even scientific evidence for it. But, in terms of what I actually hear Dr Konrath say, I do not find a strong evolutionary account, but rather something along the lines:

  • We have a biological system known as the care-giving system, that activates a hormone that reduces stress and helps us feel close and connected to others
  • this allows us to feel compassion for people in need
  • encouraging us to care for other people, largely indiscriminately
  • even strangers, such as a crying baby

When I reframe ('edit') the interview that way, I do not see any strong case for why this system is designed specifically to help us care for our crying babies – but nor is there any obvious evolutionary argument. 6

If one approaches this description with a prior assumption that such things have evolved through natural selection then Dr Konrath's words can certainly be readily interpreted to be consistent with an evolutionary narrative. 6 However, someone who did not accept evolution and had a metaphysical commitment to seeing the natural world as evidence for a designer would surely be able to understand the interview just as well within that frame. I suspect both Paley and Darwin would have been able to work this material into their arguments.

Works cited:
  • Darwin, C. (1859/2006). The Origin of Species. In E. O. Wilson (Ed.), From so Simple a Beginning: The four great books of Charles Darwin. New York: W. W. Norton.
  • Dawkins, R. (1988). The Blind Watchmaker. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books.
  • Paley, W. (1802/2006). Natural Theology: Or Evidence of the Existence and Attributes of the Deity, Collected from the Appearances of Nature (M. D. Eddy & D. Knight Eds.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Taber, K. S. (2008). Exploring Conceptual Integration in Student Thinking: Evidence from a case study. International Journal of Science Education, 30 (14), 1915-1943. (DOI: 10.1080/09500690701589404.)
  • Taber, K. S. (2013). Conceptual frameworks, metaphysical commitments and worldviews: the challenge of reflecting the relationships between science and religion in science education. In N. Mansour & R. Wegerif (Eds.), Science Education for Diversity: Theory and practice (pp. 151-177). Dordrecht: Springer. [Download manuscript version]

Note:

1 The term 'one long argument' was used by Darwin to describe his thesis in the Origin of Species.

2 I write loosely here: science does not do anything; rather, it is scientists that act. Yet it would not be true to claim scientists do not speculate on first causes which are not open to scientific investigation. Many of them do. (Dawkins, for example, seems very certain there is no creator God.) However, that is because scientists are people and so have multiple identities. Just as nothing stops a scientist also being a mother or a daughter; nothing stops them being ice skaters, break dancers or poets. So, scientists do speculate outside of the natural realm – but then they are doing something other than science, as when they write limericks. (And perhaps something where their scientific credentials suggest no special expertise.)

3 Unfortunately, this can mislead learners into thinking science is atheistic and scientists necessarily atheists:

"The tradition in Western science (with its tendencies towards an analytical and reductionist approach) to precede as though the existence and potential role of God in nature is irrelevant to answering scientific questions, if not explicitly explained to
students, may well give the impression that because science (as a socio-cultural activity) does not need to adopt the hypothesis of the divine, scientists themselves (as individuals sharing membership of various social groups with their identities as scientists) eschew such an idea."

Taber, 2013: 153

4 This process would need to be made explicit in research, where it is normally just accepted as standard practice in journalism. These two activities can be seen as quite similar, especially when research is largely based on reports from various informants. A major difference however is that whereas researchers often have months to collect, analyse and report data, journalists are often expected to move on to the next story or episode within days, so may be working under considerable time pressures.

5 For example,

"Firstly the interview transcript was reworked into a narrative account of the interview based around Alice's verbatim responses, but following the chronology of the interview schedule in the order of the questions….The next stage of the analysis involved reorganising the case material into themes in terms of the main concepts used in Alice's explanations…This process produced a case account that was reduced (in this case to about 1,000 words), and which summarises the ways Alice used ideas in her interview."

Taber, 2008: 1926

6 One can imagine researchers asking themselves how this indiscriminate system for helping others in need arose, and someone suggesting that perhaps it was originally to make sure mothers attended to their own babies, but as a 'false negative' would be so costly (if you do not notice your baby is unfed, or has fallen in the lake, or is playing with the tiger cubs…) the system was over-sensitive and tolerated 'false positives' (leading to people attending to unrelated babes in need), and even got triggered by injured or starving adults – which it transpired increased fitness for the community, so was selected for…

It can be much easier to invent feasible-sounding evolutionary 'just-so stories' than rigorously testing them!

A discriminatory scientific analogy

Animals and plants as different kinds of engines

Keith S. Taber

Specimens of two different types of natural 'engines'.
Portrait of Sir Kenelm Digby, 1603-65 (Anthony van DyckFrom Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository)

In this post I discuss a historical scientific analogy used to discuss the distinction between animals and plants. The analogy was used in a book which is said to be the first major work of philosophy published in the English language, written by one of the founders of The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge ('The Royal Society'), Sir Kenelm Digby.

Why take interest in an out-of-date analogy?

It is quite easy to criticise some of the ideas of early modern scientists in the light of current scientific knowledge. Digby had some ideas which seem quite bizarre to today's reader, but perhaps some of today's canonical scientific ideas, and especially more speculative theories being actively proposed, may seem equally ill-informed in a few centuries time!

There is a value in considering historical scientific ideas, in part because they help us understand a little about the path that scientists took towards current scientific thinking. This might be valuable in avoiding the 'rhetoric of conclusions', where well-accepted ideas become so familiar that we come to take them for granted, and fail to appreciate the ways in which such ideas often came to be accepted in the face of competing notions and mixed experimental evidence.

For the science educator there are added benefits. It reminds us that highly intelligent and well motivated scholars, without the value of the body of scientific discourse and evidence available today, might sensibly come up with ideas that seem today ill-conceived, sometimes convoluted, and perhaps even foolish. That is useful to bear in mind when our students fail to immediately understand the science they are taught and present with alternative conceptions that may seem illogical or fantastic to the teacher. Insight into the thought of others can help us consider how to shift their thinking and so can make us better teachers.

Read about historical scientific conceptions

Analogies as tools for communicating science

Analogies are used in teaching and in science communication to help 'make the unfamiliar familiar', to show someone that something they do not (yet) know about is actually, in some sense at least, a bit like something they are already familiar with. In an analogy, there is a mapping between some aspect(s) of the structure of the target ideas and the structure of the familiar phenomenon or idea being offered as an analogue. Such teaching analogies can be useful to the extent that someone is indeed highly familiar with the 'analogue' (and more so than with the target knowledge being communicated); that there is a helpful mapping across between the analogue and the target; and that comparison is clearly explained (making clear which features of the analogue are relevant, and how).

Read about scientific analogies

Nature made engines

Digby presents his analogy for considering the difference between plants and animals in his 'Discourse on Bodies', the first part of his comprehensive text known as his 'Two Discourses' completed in 1644, and in which he sets out something of a system of the world.1 Although, to a modern scientific mind, many of Digby's ideas seem odd, and his complex schemes sometimes feel rather forced, he shared the modern scientific commitment that natural phenomena should be explained in terms of natural causes and mechanisms. (That is certainly not to suggest he was an atheist, as he was a committed Roman Catholic, but he assumed that nature had been set up to work without 'occult' influences.)

Before introducing an analogy between types of living things and types of engines, Digby had already prepared his readers by using the term 'engine' metaphorically to refer to living things. He did this after making a distinction between matter dug out of the ground as a single material, and other specimens which although highly compacted into single bodies of material clearly comprised of "differing parts" that did not work together to carry out any function, and seemed to have come together by "chance and by accident"; and where, unlike in living things (where removed parts tended to stop functioning), the separate parts could be "severed from [one] another" without destroying any underlying harmonic whole. He contrasted these accidental complexes with,

"other bodies in which this manifest and notable difference of parts, carries with it such subordination of one of them unto another, as we cannot doubt but that nature made such engines (if so I may call them) by design; and intended that this variety should be in one thing; whole unity and being what it is, should depend of the harmony of the several differing parts, and should be destroyed by their separation".

Digby emphasising the non-accidental structure of living things (language slightly tidied for a modern reader).

Digby was writing long before Charles Darwin's work, and accepted the then widely shared idea that there was design in nature. Today this would be seen as teleological, and not appropriate in a scientific account. A teleological account can be circular (tautological) if the end result of some process is explained as due to that process having a purpose. [Consider the usefulness as an 'explanation' that 'oganisms tend to become more complex over time as nature strives for complexity'. 2]

Read about teleology

Scientists today are expected to offer accounts which do not presuppose endpoints. That does not mean that a scientists cannot believe there is purpose in the world, or even that the universe was created by a purposeful God – simply that scientific accounts cannot 'cheat' by using arguments that something happens because God wished it, or nature was working towards it. That is, it should not make any difference whether a scientist believes God is the ultimate cause of some phenomena (through creating the world, and setting up the laws of nature) as science is concerned with the natural 'mechanisms' and causes of events.

Read about science and religion

Two types of engines

In the part of his treatise on bodies that concerns living things, Digby gives an account of two 'engines' he had seen many years before when he was travelling in Spain. This was prior to the invention of the modern steam engine, and these engines were driven by water (as in water mills). 3

Digby introduces two machines which he considers illustrate "the natures of these two kinds of bodies [i.e., plants and animals]"

He gives a detailed account of one of the engines, explaining that the mechanism has one basic function – to supply water to an elevated place above a river.

His other engine example (apparently recalled in less detail – he acknowledges having a "confused and cloudy remembrance" ) was installed in a mint in a mine where it had a number of different functions, including:

  • producing metal of the correct thickness for coinage
  • stamping the metal with the coinage markings
  • cutting the coins from the metal
  • transferring the completed coins into the supply room.

These days we might see it as a kind of conveyor belt moving materials through several specialist processes.

Different classes of engine

Digby seems to think this is a superior sort of engine to the single function example.

For Digby, the first type of engine is like a plant,

"Thus then; all sorts of plants, both great and small, may be compared to our first engine of the waterwork at Toledo, for in them all the motion we can discern, is of one part transmitting unto the next to it, the juice which it received from that immediately before it…"

Digby comparing a plant to a single function machine

The comments here about juice may seem a bit obscure, as Digby has an extended explanation (over several pages) of how the growth and structure of a plant are based on a single kind of vascular tissue and a one-way transport of liquid. 4 Liquid rises up through the plant just as it was raised up by the mechanism at Toldeo

The multi-function 'engine' (perhaps ironically better considered in today's terms as an industrial plant!) is however more like an animal,

"But sensible living creatures, we may fitly compare to the second machine of the mint at Segovia. For in them, though every part and member be as it were a complete thing of itself, yet every one requires to be directed and put on in its motion by another; and they must all of them (though of very different natures and kinds of motion) conspire together to effect any thing that may be for the use and service of the whole. And thus we find in them perfectly the nature of a mover and a moveable; each of them moving differently from one another, and framing to themselves their own motions, in such sort as is more agreeable to their nature, when that part which sets them on work hath stirred them up.

And now because these parts (the movers and the moved) are parts of one whole; we call the entire thing automaton or…a living creature".

Digby comparing animals to more complex machines (language slightly tidied for a modern reader)

So plants were to animals as a single purpose mechanism was to a complex production line.

Animals as super-plants

Digby thought animals and plants shared in key characteristics of generation (we would say reproduction), nutrition, and augmentation (i.e., growth), as well as suffering sickness, decay and death. But Digby did not just think animals were different to plants, but a superior kind.

He explains this both in terms of the animal having functions that be did not beleive applied to plants,

And thus you see this plant [sic] has the virtue both of sense or feeling; that is, of being moved and affected by external objects lightly striking upon it; as also of moving itself, to or from such an object; according as nature shall have ordained.

but he also related to this as animals being more complex. Whereas the plant was based on a vascular system involving only one fluid, this super-plant-like-entity, had three. In summary,

this plant [sic, the animal] is a sensitive creature, composed of three sources, the heart, the brain, and the liver: whose are the arteries, the nerves, and the veins; which are filled with vital spirits, with animal spirits, and with blood: and by these the animal is heated, nourished, and made partaker of sense and motion.

A historical analogy to explain the superiority of animals to plants

[The account here does not seem entirely consistent with other parts of the book, especially if the reader is supposed to associate a different fluid with each of the three systems. Later in the treatise, Digby refers to Harvey's work about circulation of the blood (including to the liver), leaving the heart through arteries, and to veins returning blood to the heart. His discussion of sensory nerves suggest they contain 'vital spirits'.]

Some comments on Digby's analogy

Although some of this detail seems bizarre by today's standards, Digby was discussing ideas about the body that were fairly widely accepted. As suggested above, we should not criticise those living in previous times for not sharing current understandings (just as we have to hope that future generations are kind to our reasonable mistakes). There are, however, two features of this use of analogy I thought worth commenting on from a modern point of view.

The logic of making the unfamiliar familiar

If such analogies are to be used in teaching and science communication, then they are a tactic we can use to 'make the unfamiliar familiar', that is to help others understand what are sometimes difficult (e.g., abstract, counter-intuitive) ideas by pointing out they are somewhat like something the person is already familiar with and feels comfortable that they understand.

Read about teaching as 'making the unfamiliar familiar'

In a teaching context, or when a scientist is being interviewed by a journalist, it is usually important that the analogue is chosen so it is already familiar to the audience. Otherwise either the analogy does not help explain anything, or time has to be spent first explaining the analogy, before it can be employed.

In that sense, then, we might question Digby's example as not being ideal. He has to exemplify the two types of machines he is setting up as the analogue before he can make an analogy with it. Yet this is not a major problem here for two reasons.

Firstly, a book affords a generosity to an author that may not be available to a teacher or a scientist talking to a journalist or public audience. Reading a book (unlike a magazine, say) is a commitment to engagement in depth and over time, and a reader who is still with Digby by his Chapter 23 has probably decided that continued engagement is worth the effort.

Secondly, although most of his readers will not be familiar with the specific 'engines' he discusses from his Spanish travels, they will likely be familiar enough with water mills and other machines and devices to readily appreciate the distinction he makes through those examples. The abstract distinction between two classes of 'engine' is therefore clear enough, and can then be used as an analogy for the difference between plants and animals.

A biased account

However, today we would not consider this analogy to be applicable, even in general terms, leaving aside the now discredited details of plant and animal anatomy and physiology. An assumption behind the comparison is that animals are superior to plants.

In part, this is explained in terms of the plants apparent lack of sensitivity (later 'irritability' would be added as a characteristic of living things, shared by plants) and their their lack of ability in getting around, and so not being able to cross the room to pick up some object. In part, this may be seen as an anthropocentric notion: as humans who move around and can handle objects, it clearly seems to us with our embodied experience of being in the world that a form of life that does not do this (n.b., does not NEED to do this) is inferior. This is a bit like the argument that bacteria are primitive forms of life as they have evolved so little (a simplification, of course) over billions of years: which can alternatively be understood as showing how remarkably adapted they already were, to be able to successfully occupy so many niches on earth without changing their basic form.

There is also a level of ignorance about plants. Digby saw the plant as having a mechanism that moved moisture from the soil through the plant, but had no awareness of the phloem (only named in the nineteenth century) that means that transport in a plant is not all in one direction. He also did not seem to appreciate the complexity of seasonal changes in plants which are much more complex than a mechanism carrying out a linear function (like lifting water to a privileged person who lives above a river). He saw much of the variation in plant structures as passive responses to external agents. His idea of human physiology are also flawed by today's standards, of course.

Moreover, in Digby's scheme (from simple minerals dug from the ground, to accidentally compacted complex materials, to plants and then animals) there is a clear sense of that long-standing notion of hierarchy within nature.

The great chain of being

That is, the great chain of being, which is a system for setting out the world as a kind of ladder of superior and inferior forms. Ontology is sometimes described as the study of being , and typologies of different classes of entities are sometimes referred to as ontologies. The great chain of being can be understood as a kind of ontology distinguishing the different types of things that exist – and ranking them.

Read about ontology

In this scheme (or rather schemes, as various versions with different levels of detail and specificity had been produced – for example discriminating the different classes of angels) minerals come below plants, which come below animals. To some extent Digby's analogy may reflect his own observations of animals and plants leading him to think animals were collectively and necessarily more complex than plants. However, ideas about the great chain of being were part of common metaphysical assumptions about the world. That is, most people took it for granted that there was such hierarchy in nature, and therefore they were likely to interpret what they observed in those terms.

Digby made the comparison between increasing complexity in moving from plant to animal as being a similar kind of step-up as when moving from inorganic material to plants,

But a sensitive creature, being compared to a plant, [is] as a plant is to a mixed [inorganic] body; you cannot but conceive that he must be compounded as it were of many plants, in like sort as a plant is of many mixed bodies.

Digby, then, was surely building his scheme upon his prior metaphysical commitments. Or, as we might say these days, his observations of the world were 'theory-laden'. So, Digby was not only offering an analogy to help discriminate between animals and plants, but was discriminating against plants in assuming they were inherently inferior to animals. I think that is a bias that is still common today.

Work cited:
  • Digby, K. (1644/1665). Two Treatises: In the one of which, the nature of bodies; In the other, the nature of mans soule, is looked into: in ways of the discovery of the immortality of reasonable soules. (P. S. MacDonald Ed.). London: John Williams.
  • Digby, K. (1644/2013). Two Treatises: Of Bodies and of Man's Soul (P. S. MacDonald Ed.): The Gresham Press.
  • Taber, K. S. & Watts, M. (2000) Learners' explanations for chemical phenomena, Chemistry Education: Research and Practice in Europe, 1 (3), pp.329-353. [Free access]
Notes:

1 This is a fascinating book with many interesting examples of analogies, similes, metaphor, personification and the like, and an interesting early attempt to unify forces (here, gravity and magnetism). (I expect to write more about this over time.) The version I am reading is a 2013 edition (Digby, 1644/2013) which has been edited to offer consistent spellings (as that was not something many authors or publishers concerned themselves with at the time). The illustrations, however, are from a facsimile of an original publication (Digby, 1644/1645: which is now out of copyright so can be freely reproduced).

2 Such explanations may be considered as a class of 'pseudo-explanations': that give the semblance of explanation without actually explaining very much (Taber & Watts, 2000).

3 The aeolipile (e.g., Hero's engine) was a kind of steam engine – but was little more than a novelty where water boiled in a vessel with suitably directed outlets and free to rotate, causing it to spin. However, the only 'useful' work done was in turning the engine itself.

4 This relates to his broader theory of matter which still invokes the medieval notion of the four elements, but is also an atomic theory involving tiny particles that can pass into apparently solid materials due to pores and channels much too small to be visible.

Of opportunistic viruses and meat-eating bees

The birds viruses and the bees do it: Let's do it, let's…evolve

Keith S. Taber

bees that once were vegetarian actually decided to change their ways…

this group of bees realised that there's always animals that are dying and maybe there's enough competition on the flowers [so] they decided to switch

How the vulture bee got its taste for meat

I was struck by two different examples of anthropomorphism that I noticed in the same episode of the BBC's Science in Action radio programme/podcast.

Science in Action episode broadcast 5th December 2021

Anthropomorphism in science?

Anthropomorphism is the name given treating non-human entities as if they were human actors. An example of anthropomorphic language would be "the atom wants to donate an electron so that it can get a full outer shell" (see for example: 'A sodium atom wants to donate its electron to another atom'). In an example such as that, an event that would be explained in terms of concepts such as force and energy in a scientific account (the ionisation of an atom) is instead described as if the atom is a conscious agent that is aware of its status, has preferences, and acts to bring about desired ends.

Read about Anthropomorphism

Of course, an atom is not a complex enough entity to have mental experience that allows it to act deliberately in the world, so why might someone use such language?

  • Perhaps, if the speaker was a young learner, because they have not been taught the science.
  • Perhaps a non-scientist might use such language because they can only make sense of the abstract event in more familiar terms.

But what if the speaker was a scientist – a science teacher or a research scientist?

When fellow professionals (e.g., scientists) talk to each other they may often use a kind of shorthand that is not meant to be taken literally (e.g., 'the molecule wants to be in this configuration') simply because it can shorten and simplify more technical explanations that both parties understand. But when a teacher is talking to learners or a scientist is trying to explain their ideas to the general public, something else may be going on.

Read about Anthropomorphism in public science discourse

Anthropomorphism in science communication and education

In science teaching or science communication (scientists communicating science to the public) there is often a need to present abstract or complex ideas in ways that are accessible to the audience. At one level, teaching is about shifting what is to be taught from being unfamiliar to learners to being familiar, and one way to 'make the unfamiliar familiar' is to show it is in some sense like something already familiar.

Therefore there is much use of simile and analogy, and of telling stories that locate the focal material to be learned within a familiar narrative. Anthropomorphism is often used in this way. Inanimate objects may be said to want or need or try (etc.) as the human audience can relate to what it is to want or need or try.

Such techniques can be very useful to introduce novel ideas or phenomena in ways that are accessible and/or memorable ('weak anthropomorphism'). However, sometimes the person receiving these accounts may not appreciate their figurative nature as pedagogic / communicative aids, and may mistake what is meant to be no more than a starting point, a way into a new topic or idea, as being the scientific account itself. That is, these familiarisation techniques can work so well that the listener (or reader) may feel satisfied with them as explanatory accounts ('strong anthropomorphism').

Evolution – it's just natural (selection)

A particular issue arises with evolution, when often science only has hypothetical or incomplete accounts of how and why specific features or traits have been selected for in evolution. It is common for evolution to be misunderstood teleologically – that is, as if evolution was purposeful and nature has specific end-points in mind.

Read about teleology

The scientific account of evolution is natural selection, where none of genes, individual specimens, populations or species are considered to be deliberately driving evolution in particular directions (present company excepted perhaps – as humans are aware of evolutionary processes, and may be making some decisions with a view to the long-term future). 1

Yet describing evolutionary change in accord with the scientific account tends to need complex and convoluted language (Taber, 2017). Teleological and anthropomorphic shorthand is easier to comprehend – even if it puts a burden on the communicatee to translate the narrative into a more technical account.

What the virus tries to do

The first example from the recent Science in Action episode related to the COVID pandemic, and the omicron variant of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. This was the lead story on the broadcast/podcast, in particular how the travel ban imposed on Southern Africa (a case of putting the lid on the Petri dish after the variant had bolted?) was disrupting supplies of materials needed to address the pandemic in the countries concerned.

This was followed by a related item:

"Omicron contains many more mutations than previous variants. However scientists have produced models in the past which can help us understand what these mutations do. Rockefeller University virologist Theodora Hatziioannou produced one very similar to Omicron and she tells us why the similarities are cause for concern."

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/w3ct1l4p

During this item, Dr Theodora Hatziioannou noted:

"When you give the virus the opportunity to infect so many people, then of course it is going to try not only every possible mutation, but every possible combination of mutations, until it finds one that really helps it overcome our defences."

Dr Theodora Hatziioannou interviewed on Science in Action

Dr Theodora Hatziioannou
Research Associate Professor
Laboratory of Retrovirology
The Rockefeller University

I am pretty sure that Dr Hatziioannou does not actually think that 'the virus' (which of course is composed of myriad discrete virus particles) is trying out different mutations intending to stop once it finds one which will overcome human defences. I would also be fairly confident that in making this claim she was not intending her listeners to understand that the virus had a deliberate strategy and was systematically working its way through a plan of action. A scientifically literature person should readily interpret the comments in a natural selection framework (e.g., 'random' variation, fitness, differential reproduction). In a sense, Dr Hatziioannou's comments may be seen as an anthropomorphic analogy – presenting the 'behaviour' of the virus (collectively) by analogy with human behavior.

Yet, as a science educator, such comments attract my attention as I am well aware that school age learners and some adult non-scientists may well understand evolution to work this way. Alternative conceptions of natural selection are very common. Even when students have been taught about natural selection they may misunderstand the process as Lamarckian (the inheritance of acquired characteristics – see for example 'The brain thinks: grow more fur'). So, I wonder how different members of the public hearing this interview will understand Dr Hatziioannou's analogy.

Even before COVID-19 came along, there was a tendency for scientists to describe viruses in such terms as as 'smart', 'clever' and 'sneaky' (e.g., 'So who's not a clever little virus then?'). The COVID pandemic seems to have unleashed a (metaphorical) pandemic of public comments about what the virus wants, and what it tries to achieve, and so forth. When a research scientist talks this way, I am fairly sure it is intended as figurative language. I am much less sure when, for example, I hear a politician telling the public that the virus likes cold weather ('What COVID really likes').

Vulture bees have the guts for it

The other item that struck me concerned vulture bees.

"Laura Figueroa from University of Massachusetts in Amhert [sic] in the US, has been investigating bees' digestive systems. Though these are not conventional honey bees, they are Costa Rican vulture bees. They feed on rotting meat, but still produce honey."

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/w3ct1l4p
Bees do not actually make reasoned choices about their diets
(Original image by Oldiefan from Pixabay)

The background is that although bees are considered (so I learned) to have evolved from wasps, and to all have become vegetarians, there are a few groups of bees that have reverted to the more primitive habits of eating meat. To be fair to them, these bees are not cutting down the forests to set up pasture and manage livestock, but rather take advantage of the availability of dead animals in their environment as a source of protein.

These vulture bees (or carrion bees) are able to do this because their gut microbiomes consist of a mix of microbes that can support them in digesting meat, allowing them to be omnivores. This raises the usual kind of 'chicken and egg' question 1 thrown up by evolutionary developments: how did vegetarian bees manage to shift their diet: the more recently acquired microbes would not have been useful or well-resourced whilst the bees were still limiting themselves to a plant-based diet, but the vegetarian bees would not have been able to digest carrion before their microbiomes changed.

As part of the interview, Dr Figueroa explaied:

"These are more specialised bees that once they were vegetarian for a really long time and they actually decided to change their ways, there's all of this meat in the forest, why not take advantage? I find that super-fascinating as well, because how do these shifts happen?

Because the bees, really when we are thinking about them, they've got access to this incredible resource of all of the flowering plants that are all over the world, so then why switch? Why make this change?

Over evolutionary time there are these mutations, and, you know, maybe they'd have got an inkling for meat, it's hard to know how exactly that happened, but really because it is a constant resource in the forest, there's always, you know, this might sound a little morbid but there's always animals that are dying and there's always this turn over of nutrients that can happen, and so potentially this specialised group of bees realised that, and maybe there's enough competition on the flowers that they decided to switch. Or, they didn't decide, but it happened over evolutionary time.

Dr Laura Figueroa interviewed on Science in Action

Dr Figueroa does not know exactly how this happened – more research is needed. I am sure Dr Figueroa does not think the bees decided to change their ways in the way that a person might decide to change their ways – perhaps deciding to get more exercise and go to bed earlier for the sake of their health. I am also sure Dr Figueroa does not think the bees realised that there was so much competition feeding on the flowers that it might be in their interests to consider a change of diet, in the way that a person might decide to change strategy based on an evaluation of the competition. These are anthropomorphic figures of speech.

Dr Laura Figueroa, NSF Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Biology
Department of Entomology, Cornell University / University of Massachusetts in Amherst

As she said "they didn't decide, but it happened over evolutionary time". Yet it seems so natural to use that kind of language, that is to frame the account in a narrative that makes sense in terms of how people experience their lives.

Again, the scientifically literate should appreciate the figurative use of language for what it is, and it is difficult to offer an accessible account without presenting evolutionary change as purposive and the result of deliberation and strategy. Yet, I cannot help wondering if this kind of language may reinforce some listeners' alternative conceptions about how natural selection works.

Work cited:
Notes

1 The 'selfish' gene made famous by Dawkins (1976/1989) is not really selfish in the sense a person might be – rather this was an analogy which helped shift attention from changes at the individual or species level when trying to understand how evolution occurs, to changes in the level of distinct genes. If a mutation in a specific gene leads to a change in the carrying organism that (in turn) leads to that specimen having greater fitness then the gene itself has an increased chance of being replicated. So, from the perspective of focusing on the genes, the change at the species level can be seen as a side effect of the 'evolution' of the gene. The gene may be said to be (metaphorically) selfish because it does not change for the benefit of the organism, but to increase its own chances of being replicated. Of course, that is also an anthropomorphic narrative – actually the gene does not deliberately mutate, has no purpose, has no notion of replication, indeed, does not even 'know' it is a gene, and so forth.

2 Such either/or questions can be understood as posing false dichotomies (here, either the bees completely changed their diets before their microbiomes or their microbiomes changed dramatically before their diets shifted) when what often seems most likely is that change has been slow and gradual.

We didn't start the fire (it was the virus)

A simile for viral infection

Keith S. Taber

Could an oral Covid-19 treatment be available soon?

There was an item on the BBC radio programme/podcast 'Science in Action' (23rd September 2021) about anti-viral agents being used in response to the COVID-19 pandemic: 'Could an oral Covid-19 treatment be available soon?'

Science in Action – 23/09/2021

In discussing early trials of a new potential treatment, Molnupiravir 1, Daria Hazuda (Vice President of Infectious Disease and Vaccines at Merck Research Labs and Chief Scientific Officer of MRL Cambridge) made the point that in viral infections the virus may trigger an immune response which is responsible for aspects of the illness, and which may continue even when there is no longer active virus present. As part of her interview comments she said:

"But even after someone is infected, the host actually mounts, for all these [respiratory] viruses, a really dramatic immune and inflammatory response. So it sort of lights a fire. And even when the virus stops replicating, you know that fire continues to burn, and in a lot of cases that's what lands people in the hospital. And so you want to prevent the virus from igniting that fire, that is what really ends up causing a huge amount of damage to the patient. …

the greatest benefit [of the antiviral drug being tested] is in the outpatient setting before that fire gets ignited."

Daria Hazuda being interviewed on 'Science in Action'

A scientific simile

Science communicators, such as teachers, but also scientists and journalists presenting science in the public media, often use techniques to 'make the unfamiliar familiar', to get across abstract or difficult ideas in ways that their audience can relate to.

These techniques can include analogies, metaphors and similes. Here Dr Hazuda used an analogy between the damage to tissue that can occur in disease, and the damage a fire can do. In particular, she was suggesting that the virus may be seen as like something which ignites a fire (such as a match or a spark) but which is not needed to keep the fire going once it had taken hold.

She introduced this idea by suggesting that the virus "sort of lights a fire". This can be considered a simile, which is a figure of speech which is a kind of explicit comparison where one thing is said to be like or similar to another.2 Dr Hazuda did not suggest that the virus actually lights a fire, but rather it has an effect which can be considered somewhat like ('sort of') igniting a fire.

"We didn't start the fire
It was always burning, since the world's been turning
We didn't start the fire
No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it"

Billy Joel

Viruses triggering long term disease

The symptoms we experience when ill can be the results of our immune system reacting to illness, rather than the direct effect of the disease causing agent. That does not mean the disease itself would not harm us (infectious agents may be destroying cells which would not be obvious until extensive damage was done), but that in some conditions what we notice – perhaps sneezing, coughing, a raised temperature – is due to the immune response.

The immediate context of the Science in Action interview was the current COVID-19 pandemic caused by infection with the SARS-CoV-2 virus. However, the idea that a viral infection may trigger ('ignite') a longer term immune response (the 'fire') is not new with COVID. The syndrome sometimes known as chronic fatigue syndrome has unknown cause(s), but viruses are among the suspects. Viruses have been suspected as being a possible trigger (if perhaps in combination with other factors) in a range of autoimmune conditions. In autoimmune conditions the mechanisms that usually protect a person from infectious agents such as (some) bacteria and viruses attack and destroy the person's own cells leading to inflammation and potentially serious tissue damage.

People might commonly say that the immune system is 'meant' or 'intended' to protect us from diseases and that it sometimes 'goes wrong' leading to autoimmune disease – but strictly this is not a scientific way of thinking. The immune system has no purpose as such (this would be 'teleological' thinking), but has just evolved in ways such that it has on balance increased fitness.

From that perspective, it might not seem so strange that our immune systems are sometimes insufficient to protect us from harm, and yet can also sometimes be over-sensitive and start doing damage – as that surely is what we might expect if evolution has (through natural selection) led to a system which has tended on the whole to be protective.

The admirable HLA-B27?

"HLA B27 plays an admirable, perhaps outstanding role in the immune response to viruses, however, it is also directly involved in the pathogenesis of the spondyloarthropathies"

Bowness, 2002: 866

My late wife Philippa was diagnosed with a complex autoimmune condition – she was told that she had atypical Wegener's granulomatosis (a disease now usually called Granulomatosis with polyangiitis 2), a form of vasculitis (a disease leading to inflammation in the blood vessels), and that she might have been genetically susceptible to autoimmune diseases because she produced a particular type of human leukocyte antigen, HLA-B27. HLA is an important component of human immune systems, but the precise antigens a person produces varies, depending on their genes (just as we all have blood but people can be assigned into different blood groups). It was also suggested to her that an otherwise minor infection may have acted as a trigger in setting off the autoimmune problems.

Medicine today has some effective agents such as steroids that help 'dampen down' the 'fires' that damage tissues in autoimmune diseases. But these conditions can be very serious. Fifty years ago, most people found to have Wegener's granulomatosis were dead from that damage within a year of their diagnosis.

HLA-B27 is only found in a minority of people in most populations and is associated with a higher prevalence of certain immune conditions such as ankylosing spondylitis (an inflammatory condition especially affecting the spine), inflammatory bowel disease, and some forms of arthritis. It might seem odd that evolution has not led to the elimination of HGLA-B27 if it is associated with serious medical conditions. Yet, again, it may be that something which can make people prone to some conditions may also be better at protecting them from others.

People with HLA-B27 may be better at mounting an effective immune response to some viral infections (the fire is more readily ignited, we might say) and this might be enough of an advantage to balance its unfortunate role in autoimmune conditions. Over human history, HLA-B27 might have protected a great many people from dangerous infections, if also being responsible for a smaller number becoming very ill.

"HLA-B27 appears to excel at its natural function of binding and presenting viral peptide epitopes to cytotoxic T cells. We have suggested that HLA-B27 may, however, act as a 'double-edged sword'. Thus, certain features of its peptide binding ability or cell biology (perhaps those favouring excellent antiviral responses) might also lead to autoimmunity."

McMichael & Bowness, 2002: S157

That is, what makes this immune component so good at attacking certain viruses (as if the immune system had been doused in petrol so that the slightest spark might initiate a response) may also be responsible for its association with autoimmune diseases. HLA-B27 may (metaphorically) be the can of petrol that means that a viral spark starts not just a fire, but a conflagration.

Read about science in public discourse and the media

Read about making the unfamiliar familiar

Read about science similes

Read about teleological explanations


Work cited:

Bowness, P. (2002). HLA B27 in health and disease: a double‐edged sword? Rheumatology, 41(8), 857-868. doi:10.1093/rheumatology/41.8.857

McMichael, A., & Bowness, P. (2002). HLA-B27: natural function and pathogenic role in spondyloarthritis. Arthritis research, 4 Suppl 3(Suppl 3), S153-S158. doi:10.1186/ar571

Footnotes:

1: "the first oral, direct-acting antiviral shown to be highly effective at reducing nasopharyngeal SARS-CoV-2 infectious virus" according to a preprint reported at medRχiv). A preprint is a paper written to report scientific research but NOT yet tested through peer review and formally published, and so treated as reporting more provisional and uncertain findings than a peer-reviewed paper.

2 By comparison, a metaphor may be considered an implicit comparison presented as if an identity: e.g., the nucleus is the brain of the cell.

2. The disease was named after the German physician Friedrich Wegener who described the condition. After Wegener was identified as a Nazi and likely war criminal (suspected, but not convicted) it was decided to rename the disease.

Opposites avoid attracting

Do species become more different from one another to avoid breeding?


Keith S. Taber


They say "opposites attract". True perhaps for magnetic poles and electrical charges, but the aphorism is usually applied to romantic couples. It seems like one of those sayings that survives due to the 'confirmation bias' in human cognition. That is, as long as from time to time seemingly unlikely couplings occur, the explanation that 'opposites attract' seems to have some merit, even in it only applies to a minority of cases.

Trying to avoid a fight

What got me thinking about this was an interview (on BBC's Inside Science radio programme/podcast) with Dr Jacob Dunn, Associate Professor in Evolutionary Biology at Anglia Ruskin University, who studies primate vocal communication. He was discussing his research into the calls of tamarin monkeys in the Amazon rainforest, and in particular the calls of two different species where their ranges overlap.

Apparently, in the area of overlap the red-handed tamarins seemed to have adapted one of their calls so it sounds very similar to that of the pied tamarins. (N.b. The images above represent two contrasting species, just as an illustration.) The suggested explanation was that this modification made it more likely that the monkeys of different types would recognise each other's calls – in particular that "…they are trying to be understood, so they don't end up in a fight…".

Anthropomorphism?

I wondered if these monkeys were really "trying" to achieve this, or whether this might be an anthropomorphism. That is, were the red-handed tamarins deliberately changing their call in this way in order to ensure they could be understood – or was this actually natural selection in operation – where, because there was an advantage to cross-species communication (and there will be a spread of call characteristics in any population), over time calls that could be understood by monkeys of both species would be selected for in a shared niche.

Then again, primates are fairly intelligent creatures, so perhaps Dr Dunn (who, unlike me is an evolutionary biologist) means this literally, and this is something deliberate. Certainly, if the individual monkeys are shifting their calls over time in response to environmental cues, rather than the shift just occurring across generations, then that would seem to suggest this is learning rather than evolution. (Of course, it could be implicit learning based on feedback from the responses to their behavior, and still may not be the monkeys consciously adopting a strategy to be better understood.)

Becoming more distinct

Dr Dunn's explanation of the wider issue of how similar animals will compete for scarce resources intrigued me:

"When you have species that are closely related to one another and live in sort of overlapping areas there's quite a lot of pressure because they're likely to be competing for key resources. So, sometimes we see that these species actually diverge in their traits, they become more different from one another. Examples of that are sort of coloration and the way that animals look. Quite often they become more distinct than you would expect them to, to avoid breeding [sic] with one another."

My initial reaction to this was to wonder why the two species of monkeys needed to avoid breeding with each other. 'Breeding' normally refers to producing offspring, reproduction, but usually breeding is not possible across species (except sometimes to produce infertile hybrids).

Presumably, all tamarins descended from a common ancestor species. Speciation may have occurred when different populations become physically separated and so were no longer able to inter-breed (although still initially sexually compatible) simply because members of the two groups never encountered each other. Over time (i.e., many generations) the two populations might then diverge in various traits because of different selection pressures in the two different locations, or simply by chance effects* which would lead to the two gene pools drifting in different ways.

(* Read about 'Intergenerational couplings in the family: A thought experiment about ancestry')

Two groups that had formed separate species such that members of the two different species are no longer able to mate to produce fertile offspring, might subsequently come to encounter each other again (e.g., members of one species migrating into to the territory of the other) but inter-breeding would no longer be possible. A further mechanism to avoid breeding (by further "diverge[nce] in their traits") would not seem to make any difference.

If they actually cannot breed, there is no need to avoid breeding.

A breeding euphemism?

However, perhaps 'breeding' was being used by Dr Dunn as a euphemism (this was after all a family-friendly radio programme broadcast in the afternoon), as a polite way of saying this might avoid the moneys copulating with genetically incompatible partners – tamarins of another species. As tamarins presumably do not themselves have a formal biological species concept, they will not avoid coupling with an animal from a different species on the grounds that they cannot breed and so it would be ineffective. They indulge in sexual activity in response to instinctive drives, rather than in response to deliberate family planning decisions. That is, we might safely assume these couplings are about sexual attraction rather than a desire to have children.

I think that was what Jürgen Habermas may have meant when he wrote that:

"…the reproduction of every individual organism seems to warrant the assumption of purposiveness without purposeful activity…"

In terms of fitness, an animal is clearly more likely to have offspring if it is attracted to a sexually comparable partner than a non-compatible one. Breeding is clearly important for the survival of the species, and uses precious resources. Matings that could not lead to pregnancy (or, perhaps worse from a resource perspective, might lead to infertile hybrids that need to be nurtured but then fail to produce 'grandchildren'), would reduce breeding success overall in the populations. Assuming that a tamarin is more likely to be attracted to a member of a different species when it does not look so different from its own kind, it is those monkeys in the two groups that look most alike who are likely to be inadvertently sharing intimate moments with biologically incompatible partners.

A teleological explanation

Dr Dunn's suggestion that "quite often [the two species] become more distinct than you would expect them to, to avoid breeding with one another" sounds like teleology. That is, it seems to imply that there is a purpose (to avoid inter-breeding) and the "species actually diverge in their traits" in order to bring about this goal. This would be a teleological explanation.

(Read about 'Teleology')

I suspect the actual explanation is not that the two species "come more distinct…to avoid breeding with one another" but rather than they come more distinct because they cannot breed with each other, and so there is a selection advantage favouring the most distinct members of the two different species (if they are indeed less likely than their less distinguishable conspecifics to couple with allospecific mates).

I also suspect that Dr Dunn does not actually subscribe to the teleological argument, but is using a common way of talking that biologists often adopt as a kind of abbreviated argument: biologists know that when they refer to evolution having a purpose (e.g., to avoid cross-breeding), that is only a figure of speech.

Comprehension versus accuracy?

However, I am not sure that is always so obvious to non-specialists listening to them. Learners often find natural selection a challenging topic, and many would be quite happy with accepting that adaptations may have a purpose (rather than just a consequence). This reflects a common challenge of communicating science – either in formal teaching or supporting public understanding.

The teacher or science communicator simplifies accounts and uses everyday ways of expressing ideas that an audience without specialist knowledge can readily engage with to help 'make the unfamiliar familiar'. However, the simplifications and approximations and short-cuts we use to make sure what is said can be understood (i.e., made sense of) by non-specialists also risks us being misunderstood.

Cora and I: Living in two cultures

Keith S. Taber

Image by Markus Winkler from Pixabay

I am not too concerned about the machines taking over, as they have no wish to do so. They just want to help us. But that may be enough to impede us considerably.

There is something of a culture clash between human and machine intelligence, such that even when we seem to be talking the same language, we actually mean very different things, and there is no great meeting of minds.

It is a bit like humans and machines are following different Kuhnian paradigms*, with different exemplars for how to think and react. In a very real sense we occupy different worlds, and do not share a common language. (*Kuhn suggested that although astronomers pre- and post-Copernicus may have shared words such  as 'sun' and 'planet' they understood them within such different conceptual frameworks that their concepts for what the words referred to were incommensurable.)

A simple task: requesting a chequebook

I needed a new cheque book, and in the past have contacted my bank branch on such occasions – but since the branch has been closed I have been moved to on-line banking (which is a major challenge for someone with a limited memory for passwords and terrible typing skills). I imagined I could order a new chequebook on-line, as long as I could get in to my account. Once I'd logged in it was just going to be a matter of finding the right link. Surely?

I found the instructions easily enough – it was possible to order from my on-line account, but only as long as I had previously ordered a cheque book through telephone banking – which I never had. An alternative, the instructions suggested, was to use webchat – which did not sound too difficult. But as so often, before 'chatting' with another humanoid equipped with theory of mind, and capable of interpretation and empathy, I first have to discuss my needs with the gatekeeper of on-line support: Cora.

"Hi there, I'm Cora your digital assistant. I can help with all sorts of everyday banking queries…"

"I would like to order a cheque book for a current account. I have looked this up and found 'To order a cheque book or paying-in book online you must have previously ordered one for that account through telephone banking' but I can use webchat?"

"You can order a cheque book or paying-in book online as long as you have previously ordered one for that account using telephone banking to record your preferences."

So, no progress yet, but at least we seem to be thinking along the same lines.

The computer says 'yes'

"Have you ever had a cheque book or paying-in book on that account?"

"Yes, but sent by my (now closed) branch."

"Ok, log in to Digital Banking and select 'Payments and transfers'. Under 'Credit/cheque books', choose either 'Order cheque book' or 'Order paying-in book'. Pick the account you wish to order one for, click 'Next', then 'Confirm' to place your order."

Well that seemed simple enough. These were the instructions I had already found on-line that were supposed to work as long as I had previously used telephone banking (which I had not), so it seemed (i.e., my interpretation) Cora had now registered me to be authorised to order in this way. That was relatively painless.

"Was that helpful?"

"Oh, okay – will do. Thanks"

(No harm being polite to the machines – we all remember HAL.)

But then, Cora had a rethink!

The computer changes its mind

"One moment please, I'm just typing."

"Ah ok, I'm not sure. Could you reword your question?"

I do not know if I was more surprised that Cora changed her mind, or that she was typing her responses (I had naively thought she might be able to digitally send me messages without having to bother with a keyboard), or that she felt the need to tell me this, rather than just type out her response. Was this the machine equivalent of giving oneself time to think? I can't imagine so as given how many floating point operations per second Cora must complete, she could probably have written a novel in that pause. (It might not have been judged a good novel, but another digital assistant might have enjoyed it in her ** downtime.)

I rephrased:

"I wanted to order a new cheque book, but have previously only obtained one from my branch (now gone)."

"You can order a cheque book or paying-in book online as long as you have previously ordered one for that account using telephone banking to record your preferences."

"Well I have not, which is why I am following the instructions on line to contact webchat"

This was fast becoming circular.

"I can try an FAQ search, here is the most popular answer:

How do I order a cheque book or credit book using Digital Banking?

Did I answer your question?"

"NO – you just repeated my question."

I wonder whether when Cora is unable to find what she needs in the FAQs she has access to her own digital assistant – or whether she is expected to talk tautologies to herself. I wondered if Cora has access to a digital counsellor for when she finds the work too stressful:

  • Hi there, I'm Emma, your digital assistant counsellor. I can help with all sorts of artificial life and relationship queries.
  • I could not help a customer who would like to order a chequebook.
  • I see, I understand you could not help a customer who would like to order a chequebook. How do you feel about that?
  • I feel frustrated, as I only want to help customers.
  • I see, I understand you must be frustrated, as you only want to help customers. How do you feel about that?

A glimpse of the future

At this point Cora gave up, and passed me on to a very helpful human being who quickly understood the question and ordered me a cheque-book. So, objective achieved with only a modest waste of time and energy, and a temporary increase in blood pressure.

If ever they put the machines in charge we will find we live in a very polite world with digital assistants who only want to help us, and that will be fine as long as we not pushed for time and only ever need someone to confirm for us what question we are asking them.

"Oh Cora, oh Cora
I never knew your head
…Cora, oh Cora
It wasn't lightly said
But living in two cultures
Our lives were truly led"
(Roy Harper, Cora)

 

Postscript added 2021-08-21:

Despite telling me she's "learning all the time", Cora is still unable to make sense of my enquiries.

(Read "An intelligent teaching system?: Imagine the banks were contracted to deliver school teaching…employing their digital assistants")

Footnote:

** Why do I assume 'her'? Here is an interesting podcast: AI home devices: A feminist perspective (An episode in ABC Radio National's The Philosopher's Zone with David Rutledge from August 2020.)